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  • Akkad, Father's Advice To His Son
    languages called Semitic languages the term Semite is a modern designation taken from the Hebrew Scriptures Shem was a son of Noah and the nations descended from Shem are the Semites These languages include Hebrew Arabic Assyrian and Babylonian After the final end of Sumerian power and civilization around 2000 BC the area came under the exclusive control of Semitic peoples for centuries The Akkadians Portions of this work contributed by Robert A Guisepi and F Roy Williams University of California The Advice of an Akkadian Father to His Son c 2200 BCE Do not set out to stand around in the assembly Do not loiter where there is a dispute for in the dispute they will have you as an observer Then you will be made a witness for them and they will involve you in a lawsuit to affirm something that does not concern you In case of a dispute get away from it disregard it If a dispute involving you should flare up calm it down A dispute is a covered pit a wall which can cover over its foes it brings to mind what one has forgotten and makes an accusation against a man Do not return evil to your adversary requite with kindness the one who does evil to you maintain justice for your enemy be friendly to your enemy Give food to eat beer to drink grant what is requested provide for and treat with honor At this one s god takes pleasure It is pleasing to Shamash who will repay him with favor Do good things be kind all your days Do not honor a slave girl in your house she should not rule your bedroom like a wife do not give yourself over to slave girls Let this be said among your

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  • Akkad And The Arts
    spoke a language drawn from a family of languages called Semitic languages the term Semite is a modern designation taken from the Hebrew Scriptures Shem was a son of Noah and the nations descended from Shem are the Semites These languages include Hebrew Arabic Assyrian and Babylonian After the final end of Sumerian power and civilization around 2000 BC the area came under the exclusive control of Semitic peoples for centuries The Akkadians Portions of this work contributed by Robert A Guisepi and F Roy Williams University of California Akkad and the Arts Akkadian period Sargon of Akkad s reigned c 2334 c 2279 BC unification of the Sumerian city states and creation of a first Mesopotamian empire profoundly affected the art of his people as well as their language and political thought The increasingly large proportion of Semitic elements in the population were in the ascendancy and their personal loyalty to Sargon and his successors replaced the regional patriotism of the old cities The new conception of kingship thus engendered is reflected in artworks of secular grandeur unprecedented in the god fearing world of the Sumerians Architecture One would indeed expect a similar change to be apparent in the character of contemporary architecture and the fact that this is not so may be due to the paucity of excavated examples It is known that the Sargonid dynasty had a hand in the reconstruction and extension of many Sumerian temples for example at Nippur and that they built palaces with practical amenities Tall al Asmar and powerful fortresses on their lines of imperial communication Tell Brak or Tall Birak at Tahtani Syria The ruins of their buildings however are insufficient to suggest either changes in architectural style or structural innovations Sculpture Two notable heads of Akkadian statues have survived one in bronze and the other of stone The bronze head of a king wearing the wig helmet of the old Sumerian rulers is probably Sargon himself Iraqi Museum Though lacking its inlaid eyes and slightly damaged elsewhere this head is rightly considered one of the great masterpieces of ancient art The Akkadian head Iraqi Museum in stone from Bismayah Iraq ancient Adab suggests that portraiture in materials other than bronze had also progressed Where relief sculpture is concerned an even greater accomplishment is evident in the famous Naram Sin Sargon s grandson stela Louvre on which a pattern of figures is ingeniously designed to express the abstract idea of conquest Other stelae and the rock reliefs which by their geographic situation bear witness to the extent of Akkadian conquest show the carving of the period to be in the hands of less competent artists Yet two striking fragments in the Iraqi Museum which were found in the region of An Nasiriyah Iraq once more provide evidence of the improvement in design and craftsmanship that had taken place since the days of the Sumerian dynasties One of the fragments shows a procession of naked war prisoners in which the anatomic details

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  • Assyria Part Two
    the fourteenth century the lists which have been discovered are of much later date and of varying length the longest extending from 893 B C to about 650 B C Sometimes to the mere name of the limu was added a brief remark as to some event of his year Such a reference to an eclipse of the sun occurring in the limu of Pur Sagali in the reign of Ashurdan III has been calculated to have taken place on the fifteenth of June 763 B C a fact which at once fixes the dates for the whole list and enables its data to be compared with those derived from the synchronisms of the canon of Ptolemy and other sources The result confirms the accuracy of the Assyrian document and affords a trustworthy chronological basis for fully three centuries of Assyrian history For the earlier period before 900 B C the ground is more uncertain but the genealogical and chronological statements of the royal inscriptions coupled with references to contemporaneous Babylonian kings whose dates are calculable from native sources supply a foundation which if lacking in some parts is yet capable of supporting the structure of historical development 39 The Babylonians while they possessed nothing like the well wrought out limu system of Assyria and dated events by the regnal years of their kings had in their kings lists compiled by the priests and preserved in the temples documents of much value for historical purposes The Great List which has been preserved arranges the names in dynasties and gives the regnal years of each king At the end of each dynasty the number of the kings and the sum of their regnal years are added Though badly broken in parts this list extends over a millennium and contains legible names of at least seventy kings arranged in about nine dynasties As the last division contains names of rulers appearing in the Assyrian and Ptolemaic canon the starting point is given for a chronological organization of the Babylonian kings which unfortunately can be only approximately achieved owing to the gaps in the list The two other lists now available cover the first two dynasties only of the great list Not only do they differ in some respects from one another but they do not help in furnishing the missing names in the great list These can be tentatively supplied from inscriptions of kings not mentioned on the lists and presumably belonging to periods in which the gaps occur Using all the means at their disposal scholars have generally agreed in placing the beginning of the first dynasty of Babylon somewhat later than 2500 B C 40 For the chronology of Babylonian history before that time the sources are exceedingly meagre and all results depending as they do upon calculation and inference from uncertain data must be regarded as precarious Numerous royal inscriptions exist but connections between the kings mentioned are not easy to establish and paleographic evidence which must be invoked

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  • Assyria Part Three
    and wrote their inscriptions in the Babylonian language 106 Of the six kings whose names appear first on the dynastic list nothing of historical importance is known The gap that ensues in that list covering thirteen or fourteen names is filled up from sources to which reference has already been made Agumkakrime sect 103 whose inscription of three hundred and thirty eight lines is the most important Kassite document as yet discovered probably stands near the early kings is perhaps the seventh in order about 1600 B C This inscription preserved in an Assyrian copy was originally deposited in the temple at Babylon and describes the royal achievements on behalf of the god Marduk and his divine spouse Zarpanit The king first proclaims his own glory by reciting his genealogy his relation to the gods and his royal titles I am Agumkakrime the son of Tashshigurumash the illustrious descendant of god Shuqamuna called by Anu and Bel Ea and Marduk Sin and Shamash the powerful hero of Ishtar the warrior among the goddesses I am a king of wisdom and prudence a king who grants hearing and pardon the son of Tashshigurumash the descendant of Abirumash the crafty warrior the first son among the numerous family of the great Agum an illustrious royal scion who holds the reins of the nation and is a mighty shepherd I am king of the country of Kashshu and of the Akkadians king of the wide country of Babylon who settles the numerous people in Ashnunak the King of Padan and Alman the King of Gutium a foolish nation a king who makes obedient to him the four regions and has always been a favorite of the great gods I 1 42 107 Agumkakrime found on taking the throne that the images of Marduk and Zarpanit chief deities of the city had been removed from the temple to the land of Khani a region not yet definitely located but presumably in northern Mesopotamia and possibly on the head waters of the Euphrates This removal took place probably in connection with an invasion of peoples from that distant region who were subsequently driven out and it sheds light on the weakened and disordered condition of the land at the time of the appearance of the Kassites These images were recovered by the king either through an embassy or by force of arms The inscription is indefinite on the point but the wealth of the king as intimated in the latter part of the inscription would suggest that he was at least able to compel the surrender of them On being recovered they were replaced in their temple which was renovated and splendidly furnished for their reception Gold and precious stones and woods were employed in lavish profusion for the adornment of the persons of the divine pair and the decoration of their abode Their priesthoods were revived the service re established and endowments provided for the temple 108 In the countries enumerated by Agumkakrime as

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  • Assyria Part Four
    securing it 117 In these conditions of world politics the complications between the rival states in Mesopotamia as already remarked were increased and intensified The problem of a boundary line a frequent source of trouble between nations occasioned recurring difficulties Kara indash for Babylon and Ashur bel ni sheshu for Assyria settled it about 1450 by a treaty Synchr Hist col I 1 4 The same procedure was followed about half a century later by the Babylonian Burnaburyas I and the Assyrian Puzur ashur Ibid col I 5 7 Of Kadashman Bel Kallima Sin who reigned at Babylon in the interval four letters to Amenhotep III of Egypt are preserved in the Tel el Amarna tablets together with one from the Pharaoh to him but beyond the mention of exchanging daughters as wives they contain no historical facts of importance Kurigalzu I about 1380 B C the son and successor of Burnaburyas I is mentioned in the same collecton of documents as on good terms with Egypt but no record remains of his relations with Assyria where Ashur nadin akhi ruled The same is true of the latter s son Ashur uballit and the Babylonian Burnaburyas II about 1350 B C son of Kurigalzu I who refers to his rival in the boastful terms already quoted sect 116 which however must be interpreted as the language of diplomacy His six letters to the Pharaoh Amenhotep IV are otherwise historically barren Ashuruballit the vassal succeeded in marrying his daughter Muballitat sirua to the Babylonian king s son Karakhardash who followed his father upon the throne about 1325 B C The two kings also renewed the boundary treaty of their fathers RP 2 ser V p 107 and Winckler Alt Or Forsch I ii pp 115 f Here the first stage of the rivalry may be said to close From a position of insignificance the Assyrian kingdom had been raised by a series of able rulers to an equality with Babylonia and the achievement was consummated by the union of the royal houses 118 The son of this union Kadashman kharbe succeeded his father on the Babylonian throne while his grandfather Ashuruballit still ruled in Assyria To him apparently a Babylonian chronicle fragment ascribes the clearing of the Euphrates road from the raids of the Bedouin Suti and the building of fortresses and planting of colonies in Syria RP 2 ser V and Winckler AOF l c But it is not improbable that if done by him it was in connection with his grandfather who in his letter to the Pharaoh Amenhotep IV expressly mentions the Suti as infesting the roads to the west evidently the trade routes of the upper Mesopotamian valley Winckler Tel el Amarna Letters pp 30 f This close relation to Assyria was not pleasing to the Kassite nobles who rebelled against their king killed him and set a certain Suzigas or Nazibugas upon the throne But the aged Ashuruballit hastened to avenge his grandson marched into Babylonia and put the usurper to death In his stead he placed on the throne the son of Kadashman kharbe as Kurigalzu II who called the young one was evidently still a child With this agrees the probable reading of the years of his reign as fifty five upon the kings list He must at first have reigned under the tutelage of Ashuruballit who however could not have lived long after his great grandson s accession The Assyrian throne was taken by his son Bel nirari who was followed by his son Pudi ilu Kurigalzu outlived both these kings and saw Pudi ilu s son Adad nirari I succeed his father The Babylonian king seems not to have altered his friendly attitude toward Assyria during the reigns of the first two kings He waged a brilliantly successful war with the Elamites captured their king Khurba tila with his own hands sacked Susa his capital and brought back great spoil At Nippur he offered to the goddess of the shrine an agate tablet which after having been given to Ishtar of Uruk in honor of Dungi of Ur more than a thousand years before had been carried away to Elam in the Elamite invasion of the third millennium and was now returned to its Babylonian home In his last years the king came into conflict with Adadnirari I of Assyria Was it owing to the ambition of a young and vigorous ruler who hoped to get the better of his aged rival Or was it the Babylonian s growing distrust of the power of Assyria which under one of the kings of his time Belnirari had attacked and overthrown the Kassites in their ancestral home to the east of the Tigris Whatever was the occasion the two armies met and the Assyrian was completely defeated RP 2 ser V pp 109 ff cf IV p 28 Winckler AOF p 122 A readjustment of boundaries followed Kurigalzu II was an industrious builder Whether the citadel of Dur Kurigalzu which lay as a bulwark on the northern border of the Babylonian plain was built by him or his predecessor the first of the name is uncertain The same confusion attaches to most of the Kurigalzu inscriptions though the probabilities are in favor of ascribing the majority of them to Kurigalzu II The temples at Ur and Nippur were rebuilt by him as well as that of Agade A statement of the Babylonian chronicle suggests that he was the first Kassite king who favored Babylon and its god Marduk He gives himself in his inscriptions among other titles that of Viceroy of the god Bel and may well be that Kurigalzu whom a later ruler in claiming descent from him proudly calls the incomparable king sharru la sanaan 119 The period of peace with the Kassite rulers of Babylonia had been improved by the Assyrian kings in extending their boundaries toward the north and east An inscription of Adadnirari I KB I 4 ff ascribes

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  • Assyria Part Five
    an insult has been offered to them must punish the offender Between the royal personages who figure in these letters it has been thought that the relations were something more than formal and the message of a Mitannian king to Amenhotep IV on hearing of the death of his father has a pathetic ring Never did Nimmuriya your father break his promises I have mourned for him deeply and when he died I wished to die myself May he whom I loved live with God Tiele Western Asia p 12 127 The influence of Egypt upon the life of the Babylonians resulting from this enlarged intercourse cannot be followed into detail with any materials at present available Medical science may have been improved One might expect that religion would have been affected The dogma of the divinity of the Pharaoh might be regarded as likely to emphasize and encourage claims of the Babylonian kings for like honors not unknown in the past sect 75 yet not only is no evidence presented for this but it is even maintained that the Kassite kings definitely set aside the remnants of the Babylonian usage in the case and regarded themselves as delegates and representatives of the gods of whom they were the adopted sons Sayce BA p 171 In the sphere of trade and commerce the influence of Egypt was unmistakable and far reaching No doubt at the beginning of the advance of Egypt into Asia and throughout her domination of Syria Babylonian commerce with the west suffered and was at times entirely cut off But the traders on the Euphrates directed their energies only the more toward opening and developing new markets in the north and east According to testimony drawn from the finds at Nippur they brought gypsum from Mesopotamia marble and limestone from the Persian mountains cedar and cypress from the Zagros lapis lazuli from Bactria and cobalt for coloring material presumably from China Peters Nippur II p 134 It is not impossible that the eastern affinities of the Kassite kings assisted the development of trade in this direction On the other hand when with some possible restrictions commerce was revived with the Egyptian provinces of Syria under royal agreements the unification of these regions under one authority gave at that time as often later a substantial stimulus to trade both in its security and its extent This fact is proved by the striking discovery at Nippur of votive offerings of magnesite which must have been brought for the Kassite kings from the island of Euboea Nippur ibid Egypt itself had in its Nubian mines the pre eminent source of gold for the oriental world world and the letters of the eastern kings to their brethren the Pharaohs are full of requests for gifts of more of the precious metal and of better quality for which they send in return lapis lazuli enamel horses and chariots slaves costly furniture and works of art 128 From the facts already stated it is clear that Karduniash flourished under its Kassite rulers Industry was active Manufacturing was represented not only by the objects already enumerated as gifts to the Pharaohs but by a multitude of materials found at Nippur and mentioned in the royal inscriptions Among the former were the ornamental axe heads These analysis has disclosed to be made of glass colored with cobalt and copper and resembling in character the famous Venetian glass of the fourteenth century A D moulded probably by Phoenician artists employed at the temple Nippur II p 134 Agumkakrime s description of his rehabilitation of the deities Marduk and Zarpanit of Babylon gives a picture of the superabounding wealth of the king who clothes the images of the deities with gold embroidered robes heavy with jewels and houses them in a cella of cedar and cypress woods made by cunning workmen its doors banded with bronze and its walls lined with strange carved animal figures Unfortunately no large sculptures of these kings have yet been discovered nor do the remains of the Nippur temple ascribed to them afford any judgment as to the architecture of the time The so called boundary stones of Milishikhu and Mardukbaliddin I carved with rude representations of animals and of the heavenly bodies symbols of uncertain significance were probably the work of provincial artists Smith AD pp 236 ff It is strange that these stones are the chief evidence for the legal element in the life of the time The inscription on that of Mardukbaliddin I conveys a tract of land to one of his officials as a reward The boundaries of the tract are carefully stated the ancestry of the beneficiary is traced to the fifth generation witnesses are named and curses are invoked upon all who in the future may interfere with this award Excavations yet to be made on temple sites like that of Nippur will probably reveal in sufficient abundance the deeds contracts and other documents which were indispensable in so active and enterprising a commercial and industrial community as was Babylonia in those days A similar silence broods over the literature Beyond the few royal inscriptions and letters already sufficiently described no evidence exists to show either that the masterpieces of old were studied or that new works were being produced This gap in our knowledge will also sometime be filled 129 If the successful seizure of the Babylonian throne by the Kassites had given a mighty impetus to the development of Assyria as an independent kingdom sect 112 their continued possession of Babylonia affected deeply the history of the northern people The Assyrians were not thereby alienated from the civilization of the south for this had already been wrought too deeply into the structure of their body politic It is maintained indeed that the Assyrian cuneiform script of the time tends to resemble the north Mesopotamian forms rather than the Babylonian Winckler GBA p 165 but in all that may be regarded as fundamental in a

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  • Assyria Part Six
    to cut off the road by occupying the upper waters of the Euphrates But Nebuchadrezzar in the spirit of a glorious past which he felt that he represented not only called himself conqueror of the West land but seems actually to have reached the Mediterranean and left his name upon the cliffs of the Nahr el Kelb 138 Such an expedition was certain to bring him into contact with Assyria and indeed was possible only by reason of Assyrian weakness His activities in the northeast were equally offensive to the rival state It is no wonder therefore that the Synchronistic History records a clash between the two kingdoms Neither the time nor the details of the campaigns can be satisfactorily determined It may be presumed that they took place toward the close of the king s reign about 1125 B C A new ruler Ashur rish ishi was king in Assyria and eager to try conclusions with the Babylonian veteran He invaded the south but was driven back and followed by Nebuchadrezzar who laid siege to a border fortress The Assyrian king succeeded in beating him off and destroying his siege train In a later expedition which the Babylonian sent against Assyria another and more serious repulse was suffered the Babylonian general Karastu was taken prisoner and forty chariots captured Nebuchadrezzar near the end of his career made no further attempt to avenge this disgrace but left the renewal of the contest to his successors Syn Hist col II Belnadinaplu sect 134 indeed seems to have taken no steps in this direction nor did the Assyrian king pursue his advantage unless his campaigns in the east and southeast against the highland tribes Ahlami Guti and Lullumi are to be regarded as an intrusion into territory already claimed as the conquest of Nebuchadrezzar sect 135 Evidently neither party was anxious to come to blows Babylonia needed yet a longer period of recuperation from the exhausting struggles for deliverance from Kassite and Elamite while the Assyrian had his task awaiting him in the restoration of Assyrian power in the north and northwest 139 The king who was to achieve this task for Assyria and to add a brilliant page to her annals of victory was already in the field For at least three generations the Assyrian crown had passed from father to son when Tiglathpileser I the fourth of the line in the flower of his youth mounted the throne about 1110 B C 140 To understand the significance of the career of this great king so fully detailed in his own inscription a glance must be given at what had come to be the traditional political policy of Assyria Linked to Babylonia by ties of blood and culture the state was constantly drawn into complications with the mother land The vicissitudes of these relations have been traced in preceding chapters But apart from this fundamental influence was the problem presented to each state of the relation to the larger environment For Babylonia this problem had already been solved Her central position on the Euphrates the connecting link between east and west indicated that her sphere of influence reached out through western Mesopotamia to Syria and the Mediterranean coast lands This predominance realized long before Assyria was born had been maintained with frequent lapses indeed and long intervals of inactivity down to the days of Nebuchadrezzar I From Babylon to Haran and from Haran to the sea stretched the recognized highroad as well of Babylonia s merchants as of her armies Assyria newly arrived upon the scene and once secure of her position as an independent power by the side of her more ancient rival found the outlook for progress leading to the more rugged pathways of the highlands to the north and northwest To this field her position in the upper corner of the Mesopotamian plain invited her The Tigris had broken through the mountains and opened up the road thither And when the Assyrian merchant moving westward in the shadow of the mountain wall which formed the northern boundary of the plain was halted at the Euphrates by Babylonian authority he turned northward into the highlands through which the upper Euphrates poured and thus brought to light wider regions for the extension of Assyrian commerce In all this mountain land the soldier had followed hard upon the heels of the trader so that for more than three centuries the campaigns of kings like Ashuruballit Adadnirari and Shalmaneser had built up the tradition that Assyria s sphere of influence was this northern highland Though in after years when Babylonia had yielded her supremacy of the west land the Assyrian kings devoted themselves to conquest in the richer lands of Syria they never forgot the field of their earlier campaigns they kept open the trade routes and held in check the restless peoples of this rugged region 141 This region in classical times known as Armenia containing in its fullest extent sixty thousand square miles is an irregular rectangle its greatest length five hundred miles its width two hundred and fifty miles A vast plateau lifted some seven thousand feet above sea level it is girt about and traversed by mountain ranges On its northern boundary lies the Caucasus along the southern border overlooking the Mesopotamian valley runs Mt Masius called by the Assyrians Kashiari Between these mountain boundaries two chains the Armenian Taurus and the Anti Taurus cross this lofty region from west to east at about equal distances from one another At its eastern border the mountains turn sharply to the southeast and the country becomes a trackless tangle of peaks and ravines Toward the northwest the plain runs out onto the plateau of Asia Minor or drops to the Black Sea To the southwest the Taurus throws out the ranges that pierce Armenia and then itself turns off to the south in the Amanus range which forms the backbone of Syria In this disintegration of the Taurus the entire surface of the land like its eastern counterpart is tossed about in a shapeless confusion of high and well nigh impassable summits Within Armenia between the long ranges lie fair and smiling plains Between Kashiari and the Armenian Taurus the springs of the Tigris gather to form that mighty stream which breaks through the former range on the east and pours down to the sea Behind the Armenian Taurus are the sources of the Euphrates which flows at first parallel to the Tigris but in the opposite direction until turning to the southward it tears its way through the knot of mountains in southwestern Armenia by innumerable windings and debouches on the plain at first to fall swiftly then to spread out more widely on its way to the Persian gulf The land threaded by the head waters of these rivers is wild and romantic with deep glens lofty peaks and barren passes In the midst of it lies the broad blue salt lake of Van eighty miles long The mountains are thickly wooded the valleys are genial Mineral wealth in silver copper and iron abounds Inexhaustible pasturage is found for flocks and herds All the fruits of the temperate zone grow in the valleys and harvests of grain are reaped in the plains The winters are cold and invigorating It is a country of rare picturesqueness capable of supporting a large population The people vigorous and hardy till the soil of the plains or lead flocks and herds over the hillsides The tribal organization prevails Villages nestle at the base of hills surmounted by rude fortresses The larger towns situated on the main roads which lead from Asia Minor to Mesopotamia are centres of trade in raw materials wool goat s hair and grain or in the rude vessels of copper and silver the spoil of the mines or in the coarse cloths of the native weaver The larger plains afford to the tribes opportunities for closer organization under chiefs mustering no inconsiderable number of warriors Border forays and the hunting of wild beasts vary the monotony of agricultural and pastoral existence At times under pressure of invasion the tribes unite to defend their valleys but fall apart again when the danger is past A free healthy and abundant if rude life is lived under the open sky 142 To secure control over the borders of this upland then Assyrian kings had girded themselves in preceding centuries But the foothold attained by them on the upper waters of the Euphrates had been as has been indicated sect 133 all but lost before Tiglathpileser became king Scarcely had he taken his seat when a new disaster was announced from the land of the Qummukhi This people occupied the extensive valley between the Armenian Taurus and the Kashiari range at the sources of the Tigris to the east of the gorge by which the Euphrates breaks through the former range to seek the Mesopotamian plain Tribes from the northwest known collectively as the Mushki not content with overpowering the Alzi and Purukuzzi sect 133 suddenly hurled themselves under their five kings with twenty thousand warriors upon the Qummukhi Tiglathpileser hurried with an army from Assur to the scene more than three hundred miles away His route led him up the Tigris half way across the upper Mesopotamian plain then northward over the range of Kashiari to a point where he could overlook the valley at its centre not far from the ancient town of Amid the modern Diyarbekr From here he descended with chariots and infantry upon the invaders below and crushed them in one tremendous onslaught Surprised and overwhelmed fourteen thousand were cut down and the remainder captured and transported to Assur The Qummukhi restless and rebellious were subdued with fire and sword one of their clans that fled into the eastern mountains the king followed across the Tigris and though they were aided by the Kirkhi Kurti a neighboring people in the eastern plateau he defeated them and captured their stronghold Returning he marched against the capital of another of their clans farther to the north They fled at his approach their chief submitted without fighting and was spared The king closed the campaign by taking a detachment of infantry and thirty chariots for a dash over the northern mountains into the haughty and unsubmissive country of Mildish which was likewise reduced to subjection Upon all the peoples he laid the obligation of regular tribute and laden with booty returned to Assyria By one vigorous advance he had not only removed the danger from the invading peoples but had re established Assyrian authority over one of the largest and most important of these mountain valleys that one which formed the entrance into the Mesopotamian plain 143 The second campaign undertaken in the first full year of his reign the year of his accession counting as only the beginning was directed chiefly against the still rebellious Qummukhi who were made again to feel the weight of Assyrian displeasure On their western border were settled the Shumashti Shubarti whose cities had been invaded by a body of tribes of the Khatti four thousand strong in infantry and chariots These invaders submitted on the king s advance and were transported to Assyria Two minor events of the year were the re establishment of authority over the Alzi and Purukuzzi and the subjugation of the Shubari an eastern hill tribe 144 In the narrative of the first year s exploits occurs a phrase which suggests that the plan subsequently followed by the king was already conceived Not only had Ashur the nation s god bidden him subdue rebellious vassals but to use the king s own words now he commanded me to extend the boundaries of my country It had become clear that to hold the peoples of these northern valleys to their allegiance a systematic extension of Assyrian territory there must be undertaken The task was formidable leading Tiglathpileser I into far districts hitherto unheard of by Assyrian kings and requiring a display of energy and resource that his predecessors had not approached Three well conceived campaigns are recorded In the first that of his second regnal year the tribes to the east of Qummukhi and the sources of the Tigris between Kashiari and the Armenian Taurus were subdued In the second that of his third regnal year the king climbed the Taurus and descended upon the sources of the Euphrates Here were the tribes known to the Assyrians as the Nairi living to the west of Lake Van The army pushed steadily westward through the mountains fighting as it advanced crossed the Euphrates marched along its right bank and reached the city of Milid the western end of the main road from Asia Minor later called the Royal Road and the chief city of a district separated from the Qummukhi only by the lofty Taurus mountains There remained only the peoples to the far west and against these after the interval of a year the king proceeded in his fifth regnal year In this region between Qummukhi and the gulf of Issus lived the Mucri whom Shalmaneser I had already encountered sect 120 In these mountain valleys had flourished centuries before one of the main branches of the wide kingdom of the Khatti and from thence this warlike people had descended upon the Syrian plain Here Tiglathpileser found great fortresses with walls and towers blocking his advance His reduction of the Mucri stirred up their neighbors and allies to the northwest the Qumani and sent him still farther away into the endless confusion of rugged mountain ranges to accomplish their overthrow One fierce battle with an army of twenty thousand warriors drove the defenders back upon Khunusa their triple walled fortress which was stormed by the king with great slaughter and demolished The way now lay open to their capital which surrendered on his approach Thereupon he accepted the submission of the tribes and laid the usual tribute upon them The first stage of his stupendous task was now practically completed The Assyrian border in this vast mountain region stretched in a huge arc from the upper Tigris and Lake Van around the head waters of the Euphrates to the northeastern corner of the Mediterranean Indeed it extended even farther for to use his own proud words I conquered in all from the beginning of my reign to my fifth regnal year forty two countries and their princes from the left bank of the lower Zab and the border of distant forest clad mountains as far as the right bank of the Euphrates the land of the Khatti and the Upper Sea of the setting sun Prism Inscription col vi 39 45 145 During the strenuous years of these campaigns the king had found occasion to make at least two expeditions in other directions The overthrow of the Shubari in the eastern hills took place in his first regnal year In the fourth he made a raid upon the Bedouin who were crossing the Euphrates into western Mesopotamia apparently for the purpose of settling in the upper plain They were the advance guard of the Arameans Crossing the plain due west from Assur Tiglathpileser drove them before him along the river from the Khabur to the city of Karkhemish followed them across into the desert burned their villages and carried off their goods and cattle to his capital Necessary as such a campaign was for Assyria s protection it had entered territory under Babylonian influence and could hardly have failed to stir up the Babylonian ruler to action against Assyria Marduknadinakhi sect 134 was a vigorous ruler and he seems to have responded by an invasion of Assyrian territory in the tenth year of his reign in which may have occurred the capture of the city of Ekallati and the removal of its gods to Babylon an event to which a later Assyrian king Sennacherib refers In the hostilities which inevitably ensued and continued for two years possibly the seventh and eighth regnal years of Tiglathpileser the Babylonian was severely beaten In the first campaign Marduknadinakhi had advanced beyond the lower Zab into Assyrian territory when he was driven back In the second the Assyrian king took the offensive and swept all before him The decisive defeat was administered in northern Babylonia Tiglathpileser captured one after another the chief northern cities Upi Dur Kurigalzu Sippar and Babylon and then marched up the Euphrates to the Khabur thereby bringing the river from Babylon to Karkhemish under Assyrian control Satisfied with this assertion of his superiority and the control of the chief trade routes he did not attempt to usurp the Babylonian throne but left Marduknadinakhi to resume his discredited authority 146 A few more campaigns of the great Assyrian are recorded An expedition against Elam may belong to his ninth year Other visits to the lands of the Nairi are mentioned in the last of which he set up at the mouth of a grotto whence flows one of the sources of the Tigris a stone slab upon which a full length effigy of the conqueror is sculptured with a proclamation of his victories over these northern peoples It would not be surprising if he reigned little more than ten years The numerous and fatiguing campaigns in which he led his troops sometimes in his chariot oftener on foot over rugged mountains amidst incessant fighting must early have exhausted even his iron endurance In the intervals of warfare he hunted with indefatigable zeal Lists of lions slain by the king when on foot or from the chariot of wild oxen and elephants the trophies of his lance and bow appear in his annals and reveal another side of his activity Not by himself but by later kings is another expedition referred to which if as it seems properly assigned to him rounds out his career On the broken obelisk of Ashurnacirpal III

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  • Assyria Part Seven
    this period of internal decline a series of mighty movements of peoples took place in the world without which swept away Assyria s authority over her provincial districts encroached upon her territory threw Babylonia into civil war paralyzed all foreign trade and afforded opportunity for the consolidation of rival powers on the borders of both nations The most important of these movements was a fresh wave of Aramean migration which welled up in resistless volume from the Arabian peninsula At various periods during preceding centuries these nomads had crossed the Euphrates and roamed through the middle Mesopotamian plain as far as the Tigris At times they were a menace to the commerce of the rivers but usually were held in check by the armies of the great states driven back by systematic campaigns or absorbed into the settled population But in these years they came in overwhelming multitudes Apparently by the mere force of numbers they crowded back the Assyrians and Babylonians and occupied the entire western half of the plain They poured over into Syria as well until stopped by the sea and the mountains At the first they may have moved to and fro fighting and plundering and not without reason has it been held Tiele BAG pp 167 178 that they carried fire and sword into the heart of Assyria itself In course of time they yielded to the influences of civilization and began to settle down in the rich country of upper Mesopotamia around the Euphrates where their states are found a century after The causes of such a movement are difficult to determine In this case something more than the ordinary impulse to migration seems to be required May it not be found in the rise of the kingdoms of southern Arabia which whether Minean or Sabean seem to have reached the acme of their prosperity just before this period Their extension toward the north and east may have driven the Bedouin upward and precipitated the onward movement which forced the Arameans out into Mesopotamia and Syria 155 Such a cause would account also for the other irruption from the same Arabian region which in this period brought confusion to Babylonia It has already been remarked sect 69 that Babylonian trade with southern Arabia centred about the border city of Ur near the mouth of the rivers Along this open and attractive highway came a new horde that fell upon the coast lands and river bottoms and appear henceforth in Babylonian history as the Kaldi They pressed forward up the river ever falling back when defeated into their almost inaccessible fastnesses in the swamps of the coast and ever reappearing to contest the sovereignty of the land The kings that followed the dynasty of Pashe were called Kings of the Sea Land the name suggests that they may have belonged to the Kaldi At any rate they felt the influence of the troubles occasioned by the Arameans to the north for an inscription of Nabu

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