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  • Karl Kautsky: The Class Struggle (Chap.4-1)
    the surplus of products that cannot be consumed in the country itself and that consequently must be sent abroad If the population of the country have not themselves the means to buy the staples which they produce the capitalists go with their products in search of foreign customers whether or not the population of their own country stand in need of the products The capitalists are after purchasers not after consumers This explains the horrible phenomenon that Ireland and India export large quantities of wheat during a famine recently during the frightful famine in Russia the exportation of wheat by the Russian capitalists could be checked only by an imperial order When exploitation shall have ceased and production for use shall have taken the place of production for sale exportation and importation of products from one state to another will fall off greatly The existing commerce between the several nations will not entirely disappear The division of labor has been carried on so far the market which certain giant industries require for their products has become so extensive and on the other hand so many commodities supplied only by international commerce coffee for instance have become necessities that it seems impossible for any Co operative Commonwealth even though co extensive with a nation to satisfy all its wants with its own products Some sort of exchange of products between one nation and another is sure to continue Such exchange will not however endanger the economic independence and safety of the several nations so long as they produce all that is actually necessary and exchange with one another superfluities only A co operative commonwealth co extensive with the nation could produce all that it requires for Its own preservation This dimension would by no means be unalterable The modern nation is but a product and tool of the capitalist system of production it grows with that system not only in power but also in extent The domestic market is the safest for the capitalist class of every country It is the easiest to maintain and to exploit In proportion as the capitalist system develops so also grows the pressure on the part of the capitalist class in every nation for an extension of its political boundaries The statesman who maintained that modern wars are no longer manifestations of dynastic but of national aspirations was not far from the truth provided one understands by national aspirations the aspirations of the capitalist class Nothing so much injures the vital interests of the capitalists of any nation as a reduction of their territory The capitalist class of France would long ago have pardoned Germany the 1 250 000 000 which she demanded as an indemnity for the war of 1870 but can never pardon the annexation of Alsace Lorraine All modern nations feel the necessity of extending their boundaries This is easiest for the United States which will soon actually control all America and for England which is enabled by its sea power to expand the extent of its colonies without interruption Russia also enjoyed at one time great advantages in this respect but the limits of her aggrandizement seem to have been reached she is bounded on all sides by nations which resist her advancement Worst off are the nations of continental Europe in this respect they as well as others require territorial expansion but they are so closely hemmed in by one another that none can grow except at the expense of some other The colonial policy of these states affords inadequate relief to the need of expansion caused by their capitalist system of production This situation is the most powerful cause of the militarism which has turned Europe into a military camp There are but two ways out of this intolerable state of things either a gigantic war that shall destroy some of the existing European states or the union of them all in a federation This is enough to show that every modern state has the desire to expand in response to the demands of economic development In this way each is seeing to it that its boundaries become sufficiently extensive to satisfy the needs of the coming co operative commonwealth 4 The Economic Significance of the State All communities have had economic functions to fulfill This must self evidently have been the case with the original communist societies which we encounter at the threshold of history In proportion as individual small production private ownership in the means of production and production for sale underwent their successive development a number of social functions came into existence the fulfillment of which either exceeded the power of the individual industries or were from the start recognized as too important to be handed over to the arbitrary conduct of individuals Along with the care for the poor the young the old the infirm schools hospitals poorhouses the community reserved the functions of promoting and regulating commerce i e building highways coining money superintending highways and the management of certain general and important matters pertaining to production In mediaeval society these several functions devolved upon the towns and sometimes upon religious corporations The mediaeval state was little concerned with such functions All this changed as the state took on its modern form that is became the state of office holders and soldiers the tool of the capitalist class Like all previous states the modern state is the tool of class rule It could not however fulfill its mission and satisfy the needs of the capitalist class without either dissolving or depriving of their independence those economic institutions which lay at the foundation of the pre capitalist social system and taking upon itself their functions Even in places where the modern state tolerated the continuance of mediaeval organizations these fell into decay and became less and less able to fulfill their functions These functions became however broader and broader with the development of the capitalist system they grew with such rapidity that the state was gradually compelled to assume even those functions which it cares least to trouble itself about For instance the necessity of taking over the whole system of charitable and educational institutions has become so pressing upon the state that it has in most cases surrendered to this necessity From the start it assumed the function of coining money since then forestry care of the water supply building of roads come constantly more under its jurisdiction There was a time when the capitalist class in its self confidence imagined it could free itself from the economic activities of the state the state should only watch over their safety at home and abroad keep the proletarians and foreign competitors in check but keep its hands off the whole economic life The capitalist class had good reasons for desiring this However great the power of the capitalists the power of the state had not always shown itself as subservient as they wished Even where the capitalist class had virtually no competitor with whom to dispute the overlordship and where accordingly the power of the state showed itself friendly the officeholders often became disagreeable friends to deal with The hostility of the capitalist class to the interference of the state in the economic life of a country came to the surface first in England where it received the name of the Manchester School The doctrines of that school were the first weapons with which the capitalist class took the field against the socialist labor movement It is therefore no wonder that the opinion took hold of many a socialist workingman that a supporter of the Manchester School and a capitalist were one and the same thing and that on the other hand Socialism and the interference of the state in the economic affairs of a country were identical No wonder that such workingmen believed that to overthrow the Manchester School was to overthrow capitalism itself Nothing less true The Manchester teaching was never anything more than a teaching which the capitalist class played against the workingman or the government whenever it suited its purposes but from the logical practice of which it has carefully guarded itself Today the Manchester School no longer influences the capitalist class The reason of its decline was the increasing force with which the economic and political development urged the necessity of the extension of the functions of the state These functions grew from day to day Not only do those which the state assumed from the start become ever larger but new ones are born of the capitalist system itself of which the former generations had no conception and which affect ultimately the whole economic system Formerly statesmen were essentially diplomats and jurists today they must or should be economists Treaties and privileges ancient researches and matters of precedent are of little use in the solution of modern political problems economic principles have become the leading arguments What are today the chief matters with which statesmen concern themselves Are they not finance colonial affairs tariff protection and insurance of workingmen Nor is this all The economic development forces the state partly in self defense partly for the sake of better fulfilling its functions partly also for the purpose of increasing its revenues to take into its own hands more and more functions or industries During the Middle Ages the rulers derived their main income from their property in land later during the sixteenth seventeenth and eighteenth centuries their treasuries derived large accessions from the plundering of church and other estates On the other hand the need of money frequently compelled the rulers to sell their land to the capitalists In most European countries even now however very considerable survivals of the former state ownership of land can be found in the domains of the crown and the state mines Furthermore the development of the military system added arsenals and wharves the development of commerce added post offices railroads and telegraphs finally the increasing demand for money on the part of the state has given birth in European countries to all manner of state monopolies While the economic functions and the economic power of the state are thus steadily increased the whole economic mechanism becomes more and more complicated more and more sensitive and the separate capitalist undertakings become as we have seen proportionately more interdependent upon one another Along with all this grows the dependence of the capitalist class upon the greatest of all their establishments the state or government This increased dependence and interrelation increases also the disturbances and disorders which afflict the economic mechanism for relief from all of which the largest of existing economic powers the state or government is with increasing frequency appealed to by the capitalist class Accordingly in modern society the state is called upon more and more to step in and take a hand in the regulation and management of the economic mechanism and ever stronger are the means placed at its disposal and employed by it in the fulfillment of this function The economic omnipotence of the state which appeared to the Manchester School as a socialist Utopia has developed under the very eyes of that school into an inevitable result of the capitalist system of production itself 5 State Socialism and the Social Democracy The economic activity of the modern state is the natural starting point of the development that leads to the Co operative Commonwealth It does not however follow that every nationalization of an economic function or of an industry is a step towards the Co operative Commonwealth and that the latter could be the result of a general nationalization of all industries without any change in the character of the state The theory that this could be the case is that of the state Socialists It arises from a misunderstanding of the state itself Like all previous systems of government the modern state is preeminently an instrument intended to guard the interests of the ruling class This feature is in no wise changed by its assumption of features of general utility which affect the interests not of the ruling class alone but of the whole body politic The modern state assumes these functions often simply because otherwise the interests of the ruling class would be endangered with those of society as a whole but under no circumstances has it assumed or could it ever assume these functions in such a manner as to endanger the overlordship of the capitalist class If the modern state nationalizes certain industries it does not do so for the purpose of restricting capitalist exploitation but for the purpose of protecting the capitalist system and establishing it upon a firmer basis or for the purpose of itself taking a hand in the exploitation of labor increasing its own revenues and thereby reducing the contributions for its own support which it would otherwise have to impose upon the capitalist class As an exploiter of label the state is superior to any private capitalist Besides the economic power of the capitalists ii can also bring to bear upon the exploited classes the political power which it already wields The state has never carried on the nationalizing of industries further than the interests of the ruling classes demanded nor will it ever go further than that So long as the property holding classes are the ruling ones the nationalization of industries and capitalist functions will never be carried so far as to injure the capitalists and landlords or to restrict their opportunities for exploiting the proletariat The state will not cease to be a capitalist institution until the proletariat the working class has become the ruling class not until then will it become possible to turn it into a co operative commonwealth From the recognition of this fact is born the aim which the Socialist Party has set before it to call the working class to conquer the political power to the end that with its aid they may change the state into a self sufficing co operative commonwealth Socialists are frequently reproached with having no fixed aims with being able to do nothing but criticize and with not knowing what to put in place of that which they would overthrow Nevertheless the fact remains that none of the existing parties has so well marked and clear an aim as the Socialist Party It may indeed be questioned whether the other political parties have any aims at all They all hold to the existing order although they all see that it is untenable and unendurable Their programs contain nothing except a few little patches by which they hope and promise to make the untenable tenable and the unendurable endurable The Socialist Party on the contrary does not build on hopes and promises but upon the unalterable necessity of economic development Whoever declares these aims to he false should show in what respect the teachings of Socialist political economy are false He should show that the theory of development from small to large production is false that production is carried on today as it was a hundred years ago that things are today as they have always been Only he who could prove this is justified in the belief that things will continue as they are But whoever is not feather brained enough to believe that social conditions remain always the same cannot reasonably suppose that the present conditions will continue forever Can any other party than the Socialist Party point out to him what will and must take their place All other political parties live only in the present from hand to mouth the Socialist party is the only one which has a definite aim in the future the only one whose present policy is dictated by a general consistent purpose Because they neither can nor will see because they stubbornly persist in star gazing they declare offhand that the Socialists know not what they want except to destroy the existing order 6 The Structure of the Future State It is not our purpose to meet all the objections misconceptions and misstatements with which the capitalist class strives to combat Socialism It is profitless to attempt to enlighten malice and stupidity Socialists could wear themselves to the bone in such an undertaking and never have done There is however one objection that should be met It is important enough to merit thorough treatment and its removal will make clearer the point of view and purpose of socialism Our opponents declare that the co operative commonwealth cannot be considered practicable and cannot be the object of the endeavors of intelligent people until the plan is presented to the world in a perfected form and has been tested and found feasible They claim that no sensible mall would start to built a house before he had perfected his plan and before experts had approved of it that least of all would he pull down his only dwelling before he knew what else to put in its place Socialists are accordingly told that they must come out with their plan of a future state if they refuse it is a sign that they themselves have not much confidence in it This objection sounds very plausible so plausible indeed that even among Socialists themselves many are of the opinion that the exposition of some such plan is necessary Indeed some plan seemed a necessary prerequisite as long as the laws of social evolution were unknown and it was believed that social forms could be built up at will like houses People speak even to day of the social edifice Social evolution is a modern science Formerly economic development proceeded so slowly that it was barely noticeable Mankind often remained centuries and even thousands of years at the same stage There are neighborhoods in Russia where the agricultural implements still in use can scarcely be distinguished from those that we meet at the very threshhold of history Hence it happened that the

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  • Glossary of People: Ka
    48 Delegate to BLPI conferences 1944 1947 1948 Central Committee BLPI 1947 48 Returned to Ceylon 1951 Delegate to Third World Congress of Fourth International 1951 Studied law in UK 1952 58 Collaborated with the Trotskyist tendency in the Labour Party led by Ted Grant Became Advocate of the Supreme Court Founding member Lanka Sama Samaja Party Revolutionary 1964 Editorial Board State in the 1970s Rejoined LSSP 1966 Ran for Parliament March 1960 1965 and 1970 lost all Director Air Ceylon during SLFP coalition government 1970 75 Author The War in Korea 1950 Politics of Coalition 1964 Senile leftism A Reply to Edmund Samarakkody 1966 Czechoslovakia 1968 1968 The Way Out for the Tamil Speaking People 1963 and Enter History 1970 Compiled by Charles Wesley Ervin Karkal Ramanath Pandurang Ramesh 1926 2003 Born Karkal Karkala Taluk Karnataka Went to Bombay and joined the freedom movement at age 15 participated in the Quit India struggle Jailed 1942 45 Educated Victoria Jubilee Technical Institute in Bombay Joined Bolshevik Leninist Party of India Bombay Unit Secretary Bolshevik Leninist Party of India 1947 Published reprints of Trotsky s pamphlets Entered SP with BLPI 1948 Contributed to SP publications Formed Modern India Publications to reprint numerous works by Trotsky in the early 1950s Supported the Trotskyist movement until his death Compiled by Charles Wesley Ervin Katz Ivan 1889 1956 Son of businessman higher technical studies In Socialist Youth in 1906 worked as metal worker for one year then as assistant in how and economics college Member of SPD Sozialistische Partei Deutschlands Social Democratic Party before War remained there until end of 1919 when he joined USPD In VKDP Vereinigte Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands United Communist Party of Germany in 1920 leader of communes department attached to Zentrale in 1922 supporter of Left Member of Politbureau in 1924 then delegate to Moscow Organised ultra left opposition in 1925 expelled in January 1926 Arrested in 1934 set free again arrested in 1940 escaped and lived illegally until 1940 arrested and deported to Auschwitz After war spent short time in KPD and SED in 1950 founded Titoite party Karl Kautsky 1854 1938 Karl Kautsky 16 October 1854 17 October 1938 was one of the best known theoreticians of the Second International and until 1914 he was thought by many socialists to be the veritable Pope of Marxism Karl Kautsky was born in 1854 in Prague the son of an Austrian mother and a Czech father His father Johann Kautsky was a painter and his mother Minna Jaich Kautsky a novelist and actress whose novels were admired by Engels The family moved to Vienna when he was seven years old and after the elite Vienna Gymnasium Grammar School he attended the University of Vienna in 1874 joining the Austrian Social Democratic party in 1875 and working as a journalist for them In 1880 he joined a group of German socialists in Zurich who were supported financially by Karl Höchberg and who smuggled socialist material into the Reich at the time of the Anti Socialist Laws Influenced by Eduard Bernstein Höchberg s secretary he became a Marxist and in 1881 visited Marx and Engels in England In 1883 he founded the monthly Die Neue Zeit in Stuttgart which became a weekly in 1890 and was its editor until 1917 The journal became immensely influential intellectually in socialist circles both in Germany and internationally From 1885 to 1890 he worked with Engels in London and while there he published Karl Marx ökonomische Lehren later translated in 1925 as The Economic Doctrines of Karl Marx which was probably the most widely read Marxist work on economics among SDP activists It was so influential that long after Lenin had denounced him as a renegade it was still being used at the Moscow Lenin School in 1931 as by far the best treatment of the subject Unfortunately his work on the French Revolution Die Klassengegensätze von 1789 1889 2nd ed 1908 written at the same time has never been translated into English He went back to Vienna in 1890 where he married his second wife Luise Ronsperger 1864 1944 who was later to die in Auschwitz and after the repeal of the German Anti Socialist Law they went to live in Stuttgart His draft of the SPD programme approved by Engels was accepted at the Erfurt Congress in 1891 and became another of his highly influential publications and at least three different translations into English were made of it He started to develop a Socialist agrarian programme His main work on this The Agrarian Question has only been recently translated 1998 and is still in copyright so not available here on the MIA After the death of Engels to whom he was closer than he had been to Marx he wrote a warm tribute to him In 1896 he polemicised with Belfort Bax on the Marxist conception of history and in 1897 moved with his family to Berlin and in a series of articles in his paper called for participation of the SPD in the Prussian elections despite the disgracefully undemocratic constitution The electoral process could be used a tribune to raise the consciousness of the workers and recruit them to socialism In 1898 he took up the question of colonialism and the nationalities question in Austria On colonialism he was one of the first Marxists to see its importance and to take an intransigent stand against it When Bernstein attacked the traditional Marxist position in the later 1890s later translated as Evolutionary Socialism 1908 Kautsky denounced him in articles and in an important book Bernstein und das sozialdemokratische Programm Stuttgart 1899 Again there is no English translation of this very important work though there is a French one Le Marxisme et son critique Bernstein Kautsky correctly perceived that Bernstein s emphasis on the ethical foundations of Socialism opened the road to a call for an alliance with the progressive bourgoisie and a non class approach though in fact Bernstein s approach to colonial questions

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  • Clara Zetkin: Proletarian Woman and Socialism (1896)
    too that the proletarian woman has become enmeshed in the mechanism of the economic life of our period and has been driven into the workshop and to the machines She went out into the economic life in order to aid her husband in making a living but the capitalist mode of production transformed her into on unfair competitor She wanted to bring prosperity to her family but instead misery descended upon it The proletarian woman obtained her own employment because she wanted to create a more sunny and pleasant life for her children but instead she became almost entirely separated from them She became an equal of the man as a worker the machine rendered muscular force superfluous and everywhere women s work showed the same results in production as men s work And since women constitute a cheap labor force and above all a submissive one that only in the rarest of cases dares to kick against the thorns of capitalist exploitation the capitalists multiply the possibilities of women s work in industry As a result of all this the proletarian woman has achieved her independence But verily the price was very high and for the moment they have gained very little If during the Age of the Family a man had the right just think of the law of Electoral Bavaria to tame his wife occasionally with a whip capitalism is now taming her with scorpions In former times the rule of a man over his wife was ameliorated by their personal relationship Between an employer and his worker however exists only a cash nexus The proletarian woman has gained her economic independence but neither as a human being nor as a woman or wife has she had the possibility to develop her individuality For her task as a wife and a mother there remain only the breadcrumbs which the capitalist production drops from the table Therefore the liberation struggle of the proletarian woman cannot be similar to the struggle that the bourgeois woman wages against the male of her class On the contrary it must be a joint struggle with the male of her class against the entire class of capitalists She does not need to fight against the men of her class in order to tear down the barriers which have been raised against her participation in the free competition of the market place Capitalism s need to exploit and the development of the modern mode of production totally relieves her of having to fight such a struggle On the contrary new barriers need to be erected against the exploitation of the proletarian woman Her rights as wife and mother need to be restored and permanently secured Her final aim is not the free competition with the man but the achievement of the political rule of the proletariat The proletarian woman fights hand in hand with the man of her class against capitalist society To be sure she also agrees with the demands of the bourgeois women s movement but she regards the fulfillment of these demands simply as a means to enable that movement to enter the battle equipped with the same weapons alongside the proletariat Bourgeois society is not fundamentally opposed to the bourgeois women s movement which is proven by the fact that in various states reforms of private and public laws concerning women have been initiated There are two reasons why the accomplishment of these reforms seems to take an exceptionally long time in Germany First of all men fear the battle of competition in the liberal professions and secondly one has to take into account the very slow and weak development of bourgeois democracy in Germany which does not live up to its historical task because of its class fear of the proletariat It fears that the realization of such reforms will only bring advantages to Social Democracy The less a bourgeois democracy allows itself to be hypnotized by such a fear the more it is prepared to undertake reforms England is a good example England is the only country that still possesses a truly powerful bourgeoisie whereas the German bourgeoisie shaking in fear of the proletariat shies away from carrying out political and social reforms As far as Germany is concerned there is the additional factor of widespread Philistine views The Philistine braid of prejudice reaches far down the back of the German bourgeoisie To be sure this fear of the bourgeois democracy is very shortsighted The granting of political equality to women does not change the actual balance of power The proletarian woman ends up in the proletarian the bourgeois woman in the bourgeois camp We must not let ourselves be fooled by Socialist trends in the bourgeois women s movement which last only as long as bourgeois women feel oppressed The less bourgeois democracy comprehends its task the more important it is for Social Democracy to advocate the political equality of women We do not want to make us out to be better than we are We are not making this demand for the sake of a principle but in the interests of the proletarian class The more women s work exercises its detrimental influence upon the standard of living of men the more urgent becomes the necessity to include them in the economic battle The more the political struggle affects the existence of each individual the more urgent becomes the necessity of women s participation in this political struggle It was the Anti Socialist Law which for the first time made clear to women what is meant by the terms class justice class state and class rule It was this law which taught women the need to learn about the force which so brutally intervened in their family lives The Anti Socialist Law has done successful work which could never have been done by hundreds of women agitators and indeed we are deeply grateful to the father of the Anti Socialist Law as well as to all

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  • Glossary of People: Ze
    Conference in March 1915 Along with Alexandre Kollontai Zetkin fought for unrestricted suffrage and against the bourgeois feminist position supporting the restriction of the vote by property or income Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg led the left wing and waged a fierce struggle against revisionism as well as the center represented by Kautsky During the War joined the Spartacists along with Luxemburg and Liebknecht A founding member of the German Communist Party in 1918 along with comrades including Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg Became a delegate to the Reichstag from 1920 secretary of the International Women s Secretariat and member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International from 1921 but lived in Russia from 1924 until her death in 1933 See the Clara Zetkin Archive Zetkin Konstantin Costia b 1885 Youngest son of Clara Zetkin As a young adult became an admirer and lover of Rosa Luxemburg Worked on his mother s publication Die Gleichheit Equality Zetkin Maxim b 1883 Oldest son of Clara Zetkin Became a physician in Germany Zeno of Citium c 336 264 BCE Born in Cyprus Founder of the Stoic School Few of his writings survive Zeno of Elea 490 430 BCE Representative of the Eleatic

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  • Rosa Luxemburg: The Mass Strike (Chap.6)
    the revolutionary minded proletariat If the social democrats were to enter the electoral battle with their few hundred thousand organised members alone they would condemn themselves to futility And although it is the tendency of social democracy wherever possible to draw the whole great army of its voters into the party organisation its mass of voters after thirty years experience of social democracy is not increased through the growth of the party organisation but on the contrary the new sections of the proletariat won for the time being through the electoral struggle are the fertile soil for the subsequent seed of organisation Here the organisation does not supply the troops of the struggle but the struggle in an ever growing degree supplies recruits for the organisation In a much greater degree does this obviously apply to direct political mass action than to the parliamentary struggle If the social democrats as the organised nucleus of the working class are the most important vanguard of the entire body of the workers and if the political clarity the strength and the unity of the labour movement flow from this organisation then it is not permissible to visualise the class movement of the proletariat as a movement of the organised minority Every real great class struggle must rest upon the support and co operation of the widest masses and a strategy of class struggle which does not reckon with this co operation which is based upon the idea of the finely stage managed march out of the small well trained part of the proletariat is foredoomed to be a miserable fiasco Mass strikes and political mass struggles cannot therefore possibly be carried through in Germany by the organised workers alone nor can they be appraised by regular direction from the central committee of a party In this case again exactly as in Russia they depend not so much upon discipline and training and upon the most careful possible regulation beforehand of the questions of support and cost as upon a real revolutionary determined class action which will be able to win and draw into the struggle the widest circles of the unorganised workers according to their mood and their conditions The overestimate and the false estimate of the role of organisations in the class struggle of the proletariat is generally reinforced by the underestimate of the unorganised proletarian mass and of their political maturity In a revolutionary period in the storm of great unsettling class struggles the whole educational effect of the rapid capitalist development and of social democratic influences first shows itself upon the widest sections of the people of which in peaceful times the tables of the organised and even election statistics give only a faint idea We have seen that in Russia in about two years a great general action of the proletariat can forthwith arise from the smallest partial conflict of the workers with the employers from the most insignificant act of brutality of the government organs Everyone of course

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  • Glossary of People: L
    he left Russia for Switzerland and was a pupil of Avenarius In 1896 he returned to Russia and was arrested for party building activities He was exiled to Kaluga In 1901 or 1902 he returned to Kiev Isaac Deutscher wrote in a 1967 intro to this book His role in the events of 1917 was quite outstanding as all eye witnesses testify The soft God seeker with the air of the absent minded professor surprised and astonished all who saw him by his indominable militancy and energy He was the great orator of Red Petrograd second only to Trotsky addressing every day or even several times a day huge hungry and angry crowds or workers soldiers and saliors He was jailed by Kerensky in July 1917 Made Commissar of Education in Lenin s first Soviet government Died in 1933 just before taking the station of Ambassador to Spain See the Lunacharsky Internet Archive Lupus Nickname for Marx and Engels friend Wilhelm Wolff Luria Alexander Romanovich 1902 1977 Alexander Romanovich Luria 1902 1977 was born in Kazan an old Russian university city east of Moscow He entered Kazan University at the age of 16 and obtained his degree in 1921 at the age of 19 While still a student he established the Kazan Psychoanalytic Association and planned on a career in psychology His earliest research sought to establish objective methods of assessing Freudian ideas about abnormalities of thought and the effects of fatigue on mental processes In the early 1930s Alexander Luria undertook a pioneering study in Soviet Central Asia to grasp the historical transformation of human psychological functions under the influence of changing psychological tools Luria 1976 showed that implementation of written language and logico mathematical operations typically connected to formal schooling had significant influence on how people categorized objects of the environment Luria made advances in many areas including cognitive psychology the processes of learning and forgetting and mental retardation One of Luria s most important studies charted the way in which damage to specific areas of the brain affect behavior Today Luria is honored as the father of neuropsychology After writing several books in the 1970 s Alexander Luria died of heart failure at the age of 75 Alexander Romanovich Luria autobiography The Making of Mind was published in 1979 which outlines his most important contributions to developing a Cultural Historical Psychology Works By A R Luria Luria A R 1932 The Nature of Human Conflicts New York Liveright Luria A R and F A Yudovich 1959 Speech and the Development of Mental Processes London Staples Press Luria A R 1960 The Role of Speech in the Regulation of Normal and Abnormal Behavior New York Irvington Luria A R 1966 Higher Cortical Functions in Man New York Basic Books Luria A R 1970 Traumatic Aphasia Its Syndromes Psychology and Treatment The Hague Mouton Luria A R 1968 The Mind of Mnemonist New York Basic Books Luria A R 1972 The Man with a Shattered World New York Basic Books Luria A R 1973 The Working Brain New York Basic Books Luria A R 1979 The Making of Mind Cambridge MA Harvard University Press See the Alexander Luria Archive Luxemburg Rosa 1871 1919 Born on March 5th 1871 in Zamoshc of Congress Poland Rosa Luxemburg was born into a Jewish family the youngest of five children In 1889 at 18 years old Luxemburg s revolutionary agitation forced her to move to Zürich Switzerland to escape imprisonment While in Zürich Luxemburg continued her revolutionary activities from abroad while studying political economy and law receiving her doctorate in 1898 She met with many Russian Social Democrats at a time before the R S D L P split among them the leading members of the party Georgy Plekhanov and Pavel Axelrod It was not long before Luxemburg voiced sharp theoretical differences with the Russian party primarily over the issue of Polish self determination Luxemburg believed that self determination weakened the international Socialist movement and helped only the bourgeoisie to strengthen their rule over newly independent nations Luxemburg split with both the Russian and Polish Socialist Party over this issue who believed in the rights of Russian national minorities to self determination In opposition Luxemburg helped create the Polish Social Democratic Party During this time Luxemburg met her life long companion Leo Jogiches who was head of the Polish Socialist Party While Luxemburg was the speaker and theoretician of the party Jogiches complimented her as the organiser of the party The two developed an intense personal and political relationship throughout the rest of their lives Luxemburg left Zürich for Berlin in 1898 and joined the German Social Democractic Labour Party Quickly after joining the party Luxemburg s most vibrant revolutionary agitation and writings began to form Expressing the central issues of debate in the German Social Democracy at the time she wrote Reform or Revolution in 1900 against Eduard Bernstein s revisionism of Marxist theory Luxemburg explained His theory tends to counsel us to renounce the social transformation the final goal of Social Democracy and inversely to make of social reforms the means of the class struggle its aim Bernstein himself has very clearly and characteristically formulated this viewpoint when he wrote The Final goal no matter what it is is nothing the movement is everything While Luxemburg supported reformist activity as the means of class struggle the aim of these reforms was a complete revolution She stressed that endless reforms would continually support the ruling bourgeois long past the time a proletarian revolution could have begun to build a Socialist society Luxemburg along with Karl Kautsky helped to prevent this revisionism of Marxist theory in the German Socialist party Further Reading 1904 Social Democracy and Parliamentarism By the 1905 Revolution in Russia Luxemburg refocused her attention to the Socialist movement in the Russian Empire explaining the great movement the Russian proletariat had begun For on this day the Russian proletariat burst on the political stage as a class for the first time

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  • Economic Organization in Soviet Russia by Nikolai Bukharin 1922
    nor purely capitalist industries Both capitalists and the Workers Government own stock in them The Workers Government receives part of the profits the private investors receive the remainder In the course of the future history of such undertakings there will be a constant struggle between the Government and the private owners to control them As the proletariat becomes more competent to administer industry the importance of private ownership will decline If we make no blunders the Government will acquire a growing share in these undertakings in the same way in which in a capitalist country great banks and trusts control a vast number of smaller undertakings Concessions and leased enterprises As a rule enterprises of this class belong to the Workers Government However this is not necessarily the case for the owners of concessions and leaseholders may import machinery erect new buildings and otherwise add to and extend their plants and thus become owners of a part of them However in a majority of cases the new capital will be furnished by the Workers Government In this instance also the profits will be divided into two parts the fluctuations of the class struggle will be recorded in the relative shares of the Workers Government and of the private investors in this profit Private enterprises regulated by the Proletarian Government These are private enterprises in the strict sense of the word enterprises whose only owner is a capitalist or a group of capitalists The growth of such enterprises will be regulated more or less by the national bank the national credit system the national currency and by direct legislation of the Proletarian Government Small private shops and groups of such shops These include little economic units small producers mechanics shops and peasant industry which are the subsoil from which private capital springs These business units contain all the elements of the pre capitalist period This is particularly true of those in our Eastern border territory Naturally freedom of trade assuming the presence of a relatively large number of small independent producers will inevitably lead to an extension of capitalist production and the gradual formation of important groups of capitalists which will be in a position to compete with purely state enterprises and enterprises of the mixed type mentioned above These are roughly all the forms of production at present existing in the territory of the Soviet Government I cannot leave the subject here without referring to a question of immense importance Russia s whole economic structure viewed as a unit faces in the world market great capitalist systems This creates the following situation Conditions in the world market may cause part of the excess value created in Russia that created by strictly government enterprises to flow into the pockets of the foreign bourgeoisie Payments that we have to make to foreign Governments and the losses that we must incur in consequence of the weakness of our whole social organization when we deal with other countries will take this form Apparently therefore

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  • Glossary of People: Bu
    Worked in the RCP and with Ted Grant group in the fities Retired to Worthing Compiled by Charles Wesley Ervin Bunting Brian Percy 1920 The son of Sidney Bunting he was a leader of the Communist Party of South Africa and a journalist Born in 1920 in Johannesburg he graduated from the University of the Witwatersrand in 1939 He then worked as a sub editor on the Rand Daily Mail and the Sunday Times of Johannesburg After serving in North Africa and Italy during World War II he became assistant editor of the Guardian Later he became chief editor of The Guardian and its successor publications Advance Clarion Peoples World and New Age which was published in Cape Town except during the 1960 emergency until it was banned in 1962 He was assistant national secretary of the Springbok Legion and an editor of its journal Fighting Talk In 1946 he was elected to the Johannesburg district committee of the Communist Party and later served on the party s central committee He was arrested following the 1946 African mine strike but charges against him were subsequently dropped From November 1952 to October 1953 he was a Natives representative in the house of Assembly from Cape Western district Elected to succeed Sam Kahn he was like Kahn expelled from the Parliament because of his membership in the CPSA Banned since 1952 detained in 1960 and placed under house arrest in 1962 He was prohibited from publishing in 1963 when he was a writer for spark Shortly afterwards he left South Africa for London His writings include The Rise of the South African Reich 1964 and 1969 From South African History Site Bunting Sidney Percival 1873 1936 Bunting was a founder member and principal architect of the Communist Party of South Africa CPSA Bunting was born in London in 1873 the great grandson of Jabez Bunting the Wesleyan leader and the son of Percy Bunting who was the first editor of the Contemporary Review His mother did social work among London s poor Bunting graduated from Oxford and came to South Africa in 1900 with British forces in the Boer War He decided to remain and take up legal studies eventually establishing a law practice in Johannesburg By 1910 he had become sympathetic to the views of the Labour Party and in March 1914 he was elected to the Transvaal provincial council on its ticket He subsequently broke with the party on the issue of participation in the war and together with W H Andrews and others he split away to form the anti war International Socialist League ISL By the time the CPSA was formed in 1921 Bunting had broken completely with the labour movement though he continued to believe that the white workers would eventually see the need to unite on class lines with workers of other races In 1922 Bunting went to Moscow to attend the fourth Congress of the Communist International On his return he took over a secretary ship of the CPSA from Andrews and in 1924 he was elected party chairman The Industrial and Commercial Workers Union of Clements Kadalie was then becoming a force to be reckoned with and Bunting s belief in the potential for trade unionism among blacks no longer seemed as far fetched as it once had to some in the ISL Under his leadership the CPSA turned seriously to the recruitment of Africans When support from white socialists proved inadequate Bunting paid party expenses from his own pocket Through his legal defence of political radicals he won much African goodwill The 1928 Comintern decision that South African communists were to advocate a Native Republic came as a shock to Bunting who rightly foresaw that the slogan would decimate the party With Edward Roux Bunting and his wife Rebecca went to Moscow to the sixth Comintern congress in 1928 to argue against the new doctrine They were unsuccessful however and Bunting found himself castigated as a white chauvinist and right wing deviationist He reluctantly accepted the Comintern directive and returned to South Africa to make the most of the new policy In the 1929 election year Bunting ran as a Communist candidate in Tembuland in the Transkei where almost half the electorate was black Police harassment was intense and he polled only 289 votes Following the campaign Bunting and Roux began an abortive effort to organize the League of African Rights which they hoped would become a socialist oriented mass movement for Africans but Moscow ordered the league dissolved Being an empiricist more than a philosopher according to his biographer Edwards Roux Bunting was always vulnerable to the charge that he was deficient in Communist theory Acknowledging this deficiency he remained loyal to the Communist cause and to Soviet leadership even when his own judgement put him in conflict with Comintern policy When Douglas Wolton returned to South Africa to South Africa in 1930 with instructions to eliminate chauvinists and social democrats from the party leadership Bunting came under fierce attack and was expelled in September 1931 Drained financially and for health reasons unable to carry on with his law practise his took a job as a viola player in a Johannesburg orchestra Later when a stroke had partially paralyzed his fingers he found employment as a building superintendent A prolific writer to the end he produced a pamphlet in 1933 An African Prospect and Appeal to Young Africa East West Central South calling for the establishment of a socialist order on a continental scale Unlike Andrews Bunting did not live to win readmission to the CPSA following the ultra left period of the 1930 s He died of a stroke in1936 A group of his friends subscribed an annual scholarship in his name at Fort Hare University and Edwards Roux wrote an account of his life S P Bunting A political Biography which appeared on 1944 Source Karis T G Gerhart G M From Protest Challenge A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa Vol 4 Political Profiles Bunting Sonia 1922 2001 Born Sonia Isaacman in Johannesburg in 1922 she joined the Communist Party in 1942 and gave up her university studies to do full time political work After the banning of the Communist Party of South Africa in 1950 she joined the staff of The Guardian newspaper and later became secretary of the Cape Town Peace Council In 1951 she attended the World Youth Congress in Berlin as a member of a South African delegation that was lead by Ahmed Kathrada In 1955 Sonia Bunting was one of the platform speakers at the Congress of the People in Kliptown where the Freedom Charter was adopted In 1956 Sonia Bunting was arrested and charged with high treason After being held in prison for two weeks she was finally acquitted from the marathon Treason Trial along with 91 others in October 1958 In 1959 she was banned from attending meetings and ordered to resign from 26 organisations After the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 she was detained for three and half months at Pretoria Central Prison and in 1962 placed under house arrest with her husband Brian In 1963 Sonia Bunting went into exile and there she continued her work for the Communist Party and held numerous positions in the liberation movement including running the only office of the SACP in the world for twenty years Sonia was the organiser of the World Campaign for the Release of South African Political Prisoners which mobilised worldwide support for the Rivonia accused and played a significant part in saving Nelson Mandela and other leaders from the death penalty In 1991 after the unbanning of the ANC and SACP Sonia and her husband Brian returned to Cape Town where they continued their political work Sonia was a founder member of the Cape Town Friends of Cuba Society She died in Cape Town in March 2001 Burnham James 1905 1987 American popular political theorist best known for his influential work The Managerial Revolution published in 1941 Burnham was a radical activist in the 1930s and an important factional leader of the American Trotskyist movement while in later years he turned to conservatism and served as a public intellectual of the conservative movement Born in Chicago Illinois James Burnham was the son of Claude George Burnham an English immigrant and executive with the Burlington Railroad James was raised as a Roman Catholic stock but rejected Catholicism as a college student professing atheism for much of his life although returning to the church shortly before his death He graduated at the top of his class at Princeton University before attending Balliol College Oxford A member of the A J Muste s American Workers Party in the early 1930s Burnham supported the 1934 merger with the Communist League of America which formed the U S Workers Party In 1935 he allied with the Trotskyist wing of that party and favored fusion with the Socialist Party of America However Burnham s engagement with Trotskyism was short lived from 1937 a number of disagreements came to the fore In 1937 the Trotskyists were expelled from the Socialist Party an action which led to the formation of the Socialist Workers Party SWP at the end of the year Inside the SWP Burnham allied with Max Shachtman in a faction fight over the position of the SWP s majority faction led by James P Cannon and backed by Leon Trotsky defending the Soviet Union as a degenerated workers state against the incursions of imperialism Shachtman and Burnham especially after witnessing the Nazi Soviet pact of 1939 and the invasions of Poland Latvia Lithuania and Estonia by the Stalin regime as well as the Soviet invasion of Finland in November 1939 came to contend that the USSR was a new form of imperialistic class society and was thus not worthy of even critical support from the socialist movement After a protracted discussion inside the SWP in which the factions argued their case in a series of heated internal discussion bulletins the special 3rd National Convention of the organization in early April 1940 decided the question in favor of the Cannon majority by a vote of 55 31 Even though the majority sought to avoid a split by offering to continue the debate and to allow proportional representation of the minority on the party s governing National Committee Shachtman Burnham and their supporters resigned from the SWP to launch their own organization again called the Workers Party This break also marked the end of Burnham s participation in the radical movement however On May 21 1940 he addressed a letter to the National Committee of the Workers Party resigning from the organization In it he made it clear the distance he had moved away from Marxism I reject as you know the philosophy of Marxism dialectical materialism The general Marxian theory of universal history to the extent that it has any empirical content seems to me disproved by modern historical and anthropological investigation Marxian economics seems to me for the most part either false or obsolete or meaningless in application to contemporary economic phenomena Those aspects of Marxian economics which retain validity do not seem to me to justify the theoretical structure of the economics Not only do I believe it meaningless to say that socialism is inevitable and false that socialism is the only alternative to capitalism I consider that on the basis of the evidence now available to us a new form of exploitive society which I call managerial society is not only possible but is a more probable outcome of the present than socialism On no ideological theoretic or political ground then can I recognize or do I feel any bond or allegiance to the Workers Party or to any other Marxist party That is simply the case and I can no longer pretend about it either to myself or to others In 1941 Burnham wrote a book analyzing the development of economics and society as he saw it called The Managerial Revolution What is Happening in the World During World War II Burnham went on to work for the Office of Strategic Services OSS a forerunner of the Central Intelligence Agency After the war he called for an aggressive strategy to undermine the Soviet Union s power During the Cold War he regularly wrote for the National Review magazine In 1983 conservative Republican President Ronald Reagan awarded him the Presidential Medal of Freedom Burnham s ideas were an important influence on both the paleoconservative and neoconservative factions of the American Right Wing Burnham s seminal work The Managerial Revolution attempted to theorize about the future of world capitalism based upon observations of its development in the interwar period Burnham argued three possible futures for capitalism 1 that capitalism was a permanent form of social and economic organization and that it would be continued for a protracted period of time 2 that capitalism was a temporary form of organization destined by its nature to collapse and be replaced by socialism 3 that capitalism was a temporary form of organization currently being transformed into some non socialist future form of society Burnham argued that since capitalism had a more or less definite beginning which he dated to approximately the 14th Century it could not be regarded as an immutable and permanent form Moreover Burnham observed that in the last years of previous forms of economic organization such those of Ancient Greece and the Roman Empire mass unemployment was a symptom that a given type of social organization is just about finished The worldwide mass unemployment of the depression era was for Burnham indicative that capitalism was itself not going to continue much longer Dust jacket of the 1941 edition of Burnham s seminal work Burnham looked around the world for indications of the new form of society which was emerging to replace historic capitalism and saw certain commonalities between the economic formations of Nazi Germany Stalinist Russia and America under Franklin D Roosevelt and his New Deal Burnham argued that over a comparatively short period which he dated from the first world war a new society had emerged in which a social group or class which Burnham called managers had engaged in a drive for social dominance for power and privilege for the position of ruling class For at least a decade previous to Burnham s book the idea of a separation of ownership and control of the modern corporation had been part of American economic thought with Burnham citing The Modern Corporation and Private Property by Berle and Means as an important exposition Burnham expanded upon this concept arguing that whether ownership was corporate and private or statist and governmental the essential demarcation between the ruling elite executives and managers on the one hand bureaucrats and functionaries on the other and the mass of society was not ownership so much as it was control of the means of production Burnham emphasized that New Dealism as he called it is not let me repeat a developed systematized managerial ideology Still this ideology had contributed to American capitalism s moving in a managerial direction In its own more confused less advanced way New Dealism too has spread abroad the stress on the state as against the individual planning as against private enterprise jobs even if relief jobs against opportunities security against initiative human rights against property rights There can be no doubt that the psychological effect of New Dealism has been what the capitalists say it has been to undermine public confidence in capitalist ideas and rights and institutions Its most distinctive features help to prepare the minds of the masses for the acceptance of the managerial social structure The conservative implications of Burnham s ideas seem clear In June 1941 a hostile review of The Managerial Revolution by Socialist Workers Party loyalist Joseph Hansen in the SWP s theoretical magazine accused Burnham of having lifted the central ideas of his book without acknowledging the source from the Italian Bruno Rizzi and his 1939 book La Bureaucratisation du Monde Despite certain similarities there is no evidence Burnham knew of said book beyond Leon Trotsky s brief references to it In a later book The Machiavellians he argued and developed his theory that the emerging new élite would better serve its own interests if it retained some democratic trappings political opposition a free press and a controlled circulation of the élites His 1964 book Suicide of the West became a classic text for the conservatives of the Right Wing movement in U S politics defining liberalism as a syndrome rendering liberals ridden with guilt and internal contradictions The works of James Burnham greatly influenced paleoconservative author Samuel Francis who wrote two books about Burnham and based his political theories upon the managerial revolution and the resulting managerial state See James Burnham Archive Burns John 1858 1943 The son of an engineer was born in Lambeth London on 20th October 1858 After a brief education became an apprentice in the engineering industry One of his fellow workers Victor Delahaye introduced Burns to radical writers such as John Stuart Mill Thomas Carlyle and John Ruskin In 1879 Burns joined the Amalgamated Society of Engineers and found employment with the United Africa Company Horrified by the way the Africans were treated Burns became convinced that only socialism would remove the inequalities between races and classes He returned to England in 1881 and soon afterwards formed the Battersea branch of the Social Democratic Federation SDF One of the first people to join was another young engineer Tom Mann John Burns was elected to the executive council of the Social Democratic Federation and in the 1885 General Election was their unsuccessful candidate in Nottingham West The following year he led a demonstration in London against unemployment The march degenerated into a riot and Burns was arrested and charged with conspiracy and sedition He was acquitted but in November 1887 he was

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