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  • A Non-Dogmatic Approach to Marxism by Karl Korsch
    only one of a number of possible illustrations Most important however is the form in which Sorel has changed into a positive inspiration for unfettered scientific research what till then must have seemed to many historians a somewhat authoritarian laying down of the rules of writing history A different impression might have been derived perhaps from a closer acquaintance with the remarkably free application that had been made of the new critical and materialist method by Marx himself Yet the new weapon of the revolutionary class struggle had already lost much of its critical edge in the hands of the first generation of the Marxist scholars at the time of Sorel s writing And it is no secret that since then revolutionary Marxism has lost out completely against the stabilizing influences that were expressed theoretically in the growth of the old and the new Marx orthodoxy from Kautsky to Stalin So the Sorelian operation has to be performed once more Finally we have added a document which is meant to do for the famous dialectical method what Sorel and Lenin did for historical materialism The Theses on Hegel and Revolution translated in Document I were first written in German for the centenary of Hegel s death in 1931 As will be seen they approach from a totally opposite direction the whole tangle of difficulties which beset the problem of the Hegelian dialectic and its modified or unmodified use by Marx and Engels Dialectics is here considered not as a kind of super logic that is not as a set of rules to be applied by individual thinkers in the process of thinking just like ordinary logic and distinguished from the latter only in the sense in which so called higher mathematics is distinguished from those simpler and in fact long outdated rules which are taught as elementary mathematics in our schools today It is treated rather as a number of characteristic phenomena that can be observed from without in the sequence and development of thoughts in a given historical period The first non dogmatic result of this changed approach is that a man does not become a revolutionary by studying dialectics but on the contrary the revolutionary change in human society affects among other things also the way in which the people of a particular period tend to produce and to exchange their thoughts Materialist dialectics then is the historical investigation of the manner in which in a given revolutionary period and during the different phases of that period particular social classes groups individuals form and accept new words and ideas It deals with the often unusual and remarkable forms in which they connect their own and other people s thoughts and cooperate in disintegrating the existing closed systems of knowledge and in replacing them by other and more flexible systems or in the most favorable case by no system at all but by a new and completely unfettered movement of free thought passing rapidly through the changing phases of a more or less continuous or discontinuous development Secondly it appears by implication from theses II and III that there is no reason to boast of the fact that both Marx and Lenin after a first violent criticism and repudiation of the old Hegelian dialectic have returned at a later stage in a mood of disenchantment and partial frustration to a very little qualified acceptance of that same philosophical method that at its best had reflected the bourgeois revolution of an earlier period Here as in many other respects the unfettered development of the Marxian theory does not point backwards to old bourgeois philosophies and ideas but forward to a non dogmatic and non authoritarian scientific and activistic use of the Marxian as well as all other theoretical formulations of the collective experience of the working class DOCUMENT I Theses on Hegel and Revolution Karl Korsch 1931 I The Hegelian philosophy and its dialectical method cannot be understood without taking into account its relationship to revolution 1 It originated historically from a revolutionary movement 2 It fulfilled the task of giving to that movement its conceptual expression 3 Dialectical thought is revolutionary even in its form a turning away from the immediately given radical break with the hitherto existing standing on the head new beginning b principle of contradiction and negation c principle of permanent change and development of the qualitative leap 4 Once the revolutionary task is out of the way and the new society fully established the revolutionary dialectical method inevitably disappears from its philosophy and science II The Hegelian philosophy and its dialectical method cannot be criticized without taking into account its relationship to the particular historical conditions of the revolutionary movement of the time 1 It is a philosophy not of revolution in general but of the bourgeois revolution of the 17th and 18th centuries 2 Even as a philosophy of the bourgeois revolution it does not reflect the entire process of that revolution but only its concluding phase It is thus a philosophy not of the revolution but of the restoration 3 This twofold historical nature of the Hegelian dialectic appears formally in a twofold limitation of its revolutionary character a The Hegelian dialectic though dissolving all pre existing fixations results in the end in a new fixation it becomes an absolute itself and at the same time absolutizes the whole dogmatic content of the Hegelian philosophical system that had been based on it b The revolutionary point of the dialectical approach is ultimately bent back to the circle that is to a conceptual reinstatement of the immediately given reality to a reconciliation with that reality and to a glorification of existing conditions III The attempt made by the founders of scientific socialism to salvage the high art of dialectical thinking by transplanting it from the German idealist philosophy to the materialist conception of nature and history from the bourgeois to the proletarian theory of revolution appears both historically and theoretically as a transitory step

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  • 1924: HWCLecture1
    the process of the world crisis for several very important reasons These I will briefly enumerate The first reason is that the revolutionary preparation the revolutionary culture and the revolutionary orientation of that proletarian vanguard have been formed on the basis of the socialist syndicalist and anarchist literature from before the European war Or prior at least to the climactic period of the crisis Generally it is outdated socialist syndicalist and libertarian books which circulate among us Here a little is known of the classic literature of socialism and of sydicalism the new revolutionary literature is unknown Revolutionary culture here is a classical culture aside from being as you well know comrades a new very unformed very disorganized very incomplete culture Now all that pre war socialist and syndicalist literature is being revised And that revision is not one imposed by the whim of theoreticians but by the force of events That literature therefore cannot be used without the benefit of an inventory Naturally it is not that it is no longer exact in its principles in all that ideal and eternal that there is in it but that it has often ceased to be exact in its tactical inspirations in its historical considerations in all that means action procedure means of struggle The workers goal remains the same what have necessarily changed due to the latest historical events are the roads chosen to arrive at even just approach that ideal goal It is from this that the study of these historical events and of their significance becomes indispensable to workers who are militants in class conscious organizations Comrades you know that the European proletarian forces are divided into two great camps reformists and revolutionaries There is a reformist collaborationist evolutionist Workers International and another maximalist anti collaborationist revolutionary Workers International Between the one and the other there has attempted to emerge an intermediate International But it has ended up by making common cause with the former against the latter In one and the other sides there are various hues but the sides are clearly and unmistakably but two The side of those who wish to bring about socialism by collaborating politically with the bourgeoisie and the side of those who seek to bring about socialism by seizing political power entirely for the proletariat Of course the existence of these two sides comes from the existence of two different views two opposed views two antithetical views on the current historical moment One part of the proletariat believes that the moment is not a revolutionary one that the bourgeoisie has not yet played out its historical role that on the contrary the bourgeoisie is still strong enough to hold on to political power that in short the hour of social revolution has not yet arrived Another part of the proletariat believes that the current historical moment is revolutionary that the bourgeoisie is incapable of rebuilding the social wealth destroyed by the war and incapable therefore of solving the problems of peace that the war has brought about a crisis whose solution cannot be but a proletarian solution a socialist solution and that with the Russian Revolution the social revolution has begun There are then two proletarian armies because there are within the proletariat two opposing views of the historical moment two different interpretations of the world crisis The numerical strength of one or the other of the proletarian armies is dependent on whether or not events appear to confirm its respective historical view It is because of this that thinkers theoreticians studious men of one and the other proletarian armies struggle above all to delve deeply into the meaning of the crisis to understand its character to discover its significance Before the war two tendencies split up predominance among the proletariat the socialist tendency and the syndicalist tendency The socialist tendency was mostly reformist social democratic collaborationist The socialists thought that social revolution s hour was far off and fought for gradual conquest through legalistic action and governmental or at least legislative collaboration In some countries this activity excessively weakened the revolutionary will and spirit of socialism Socialism was considerably bourgeoisified As a reaction against this bourgeosification of socialism we had syndicalism Syndicalism countered the political activity of the socialist parties with the direct action of the unions The proletariat s most revolutionary and intransigent spirits found refuge within syndicalism But deep down syndicalism also turned out to be collaborationist and reformistic Syndicalism also was dominated by a union bureaucracy lacking a true revolutionary psychology And syndicalism and socialism showed themselves to be conjoined in some countries such as Italy where the Socialist Party did not take part in the government and remained loyal to other formal principles of independence Such as it is the more or less contending or depending on the country more or less close tendencies were two syndicalist and socialist It is to this period of social struggle that the revolutionary literature which has fed the mentality of our leading proletarians belongs But the situation has changed after the war The proletarian camp as we have just recalled is no longer divided into socialists and syndicalists but into reformists and revolutionaries First we have witnessed a schism a split in the socialists camp One part of socialism has held fast in its social democratic collaborationist course the other part has followed a anti collaborationist revolutionary course And it is this part of socialism which in order to set itself apart from the former has adopted the name of communism The split has also taken place in the same way in the syndicalist camp One part of the unions supports the social democrats and the other supports the communists The outlook of European social struggle has therefore shifted radically We have seen many intransigent pre war syndicalists head toward reformism We have by contrast seen others follow communism And among these as I recalled to comrade Fonkén in a conversation not long ago can be counted the greatest

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  • José Carlos Mariátegui Internet Archive____________________________________________.
    in a few words from Autobiographical Note January 10 1927 BIOGRAPHICAL DATA Autobiographical Note 1927 Biography by Tom O Lincoln Chronology of Mariátegui s life by José Carlos Mariátegui III

    Original URL path: https://www.marxists.org/archive/mariateg/biography/index.htm (2016-02-12)
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  • The Life and Struggles of Negro Toilers by George Padmore 1931
    drawing the Negro workers into the revolutionary unions and the movement of the unemployed guaranteeing to them every opportunity of actively participating in shaping the policies of the workers organisations and leading the united front struggles of the working class against the offensive of the capitalists In this connection it is the special task of the revolutionary unions to bring the white workers into the struggle on behalf of the Negro demands It must be borne in mind that the Negro masses will not be won for the revolutionary struggles until such time as the most conscious section of the white workers show by action that they are fighting with the Negroes against all racial discrimination and persecution Every class conscious worker must bear in mind that the age long oppression of the colonial and weak nationalities by the imperialist powers has given rise to a feeling of bitterness among the masses of the enslaved countries as well as a feeling of distrust toward the oppressing nation in general and toward the proletariat of those nations This point was particularly emphasised in the resolution of the Communist International on the Negro Question in U S A It is absolutely necessary to pursue this policy No retreat before white chauvinism must be tolerated for only by deeds and not words will we be able to dispel the distrust which the more backward sections of the Negro toiling masses have towards the whites a suspicion which has developed among them as a result of the traditional policy of the white reformist trade union leaders Green Mathew Woll John L Lewis etc These A F of L fakers not only refuse to organise the Negroes but when compelled to do so in order to safeguard the privileged position of the white labour aristocrats invariably Jim Crow the Negroes into separate unions and leave them at the mercy of the capitalists Furthermore the white workers must realise that in the present condition of world capitalism one of the aims of the imperialists is to find a way out of their difficulties by using the Negro workers especially in the colonies to worsen the already low standard of the white workers Because of this the struggles of the Negro workers against the capitalist offensive must be made part and parcel of the common struggle against imperialism The emancipation of the white workers from the yoke of capitalism can only be achieved by making a decisive break with all reformist tendencies which are the ideologies of the bourgeoisie within the ranks of the working class They must come forward boldly in support of the programme of the Communist International and the R I L U which alone struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and the liberation of the toiling masses of all races and colour The workers of the imperialist countries must not forget the memorable words of Marx that labour in the white skin cannot free itself while labour in the black is enslaved 2

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  • Glossary of People: Pa
    Vilfredo 1848 1923 Italian economist and sociologist known for his theory on mass and elite interaction and his application of mathematics to economic analysis After his graduation from the University of Turin 1869 where he had studied mathematics and physics Pareto became an engineer and later a director of an Italian railway and was also employed by a large ironworks Residing in Florence he studied philosophy and politics and wrote many articles analysing economic problems with mathematical tools In 1893 he was appointed to the chair of political economy at the University of Lausanne Switzerland Pareto s first work Cours d Économie Politique 1896 97 included his famous but much criticised law of income distribution a complicated mathematical formulation in which Pareto attempted to prove that the distribution of incomes and wealth in society exhibits a consistent pattern throughout history in all parts of the world and in all societies In his Manuale d economia politica 1906 he further developed his theory of pure economics and his analysis of ophelimity power to give satisfaction He laid the foundation of modern welfare economics with his concept of the so called Pareto optimum stating that the optimum allocation of the resources of a society is not attained so long as it is possible to make at least one individual better off in his own estimation while keeping others as well off as before in their own estimation He also introduced curves of indifference that did not become popular until the 1930s Believing that there were problems that economics could not solve Pareto turned to sociology writing what he considered his greatest work Mind and Society 1916 in which he inquired into the nature and bases of individual and social action Persons of superior ability he argued seek to confirm and aggrandise their social position Thus social classes are formed In an effort to rise into the elite of the upper strata privileged members of the lower class groups continually strive to use their abilities and thus improve them the opposite tendency obtains among the elite As a result the best equipped persons from the lower class rise to challenge the position of the upper class elite There thus occurs a circulation of elites Because of his theory of the superiority of the elite Pareto sometimes has been associated with fascism Parija Murlidhar Party pseudonym V Markandu Joined Purdy group in Bombay before WWII Founding member Mazdoor Trotskyist Party 1942 Arrested for dacoity during WWII President Bombay Committee of MTP 1948 Trade unionist Ravi Uday Litho Workers Union Bombay State Electrical Employees Union Engineering Workers Union Bombay and Suburban Reshim Kamgar Union silk workers and Bombay Textile Labour Union Founding member and Joint Secretary Bombay State Committee United Trades Union Congress Co editor Socialist 1948 Editor The Militant 1959 60 Marxist Outlook 1966 70 General Secretary Revolutionary Workers Party 1958 60 General Secretary Socialist Workers Party 1965 69 Activist Pragatshil Yuvak Mandal Ahmedabad 1959 60 Compiled by Charles Wesley Ervin Parsons Albert 1848 1887 One of the Haymarket martyrs Parsons was born in Alabama and then moved to live with his brother in Texas when he was very young after his parents died He was mainly raised by a former slave housekeeper of whom he was very fond This experience helped him later become very active in agitation for Black political rights in the South At the beginning of the Civil War he served as a confederate soldier in the cavalry In the early 1870s he married Lucy a woman of Native and African American descent They moved to Chicago in 1873 partly to be removed from the threatening presence of the Ku Klux Klan Following in the wake economic depression the summer of 1877 had one of the largest mass strikes in US history Rail workers all over the country joined the picket line to protest wage and demand better working conditions The center of activity moved to Chicago where rail workers waged a militant and sometimes violent battle with the bosses and police During the strike Albert would address large crowds which brought him to the forefront of the labor movement first involved as a socialist and Master Workmen of the Chicago branch of the Knights of Labor He and Lucy would reject the socialist approach to the political situation and become anarchists both active members of Chicago s Social Revolutionary club Parsons was one of the speakers at the Haymarket rally but was not present during the explosion He avoided arrest but appeared in the courtroom on the first day of trial testimony to join his comrades He was found guilty and executed in 1887 Further Reading Parson s speech in court Subject May Day Parsons Lucy ca 1853 1942 Little is known about her early life but it is thought that Parsons was the daughter of slaves from Texas In the early 1870s she married Albert Parsons who would become one of the Haymarket martyrs Because of Albert s radical politics he would have difficulty holding steady employment so Lucy opened a dress shop to support their two children She was also very politically active hosting meetings for the International Ladies Garment Workers Union ILGWU and writing for radical publications such as The Socialist and The Alarm In her writing she would advocate propaganda by the deed which maintained that only violent direct action or the threat of such action will ultimately win the demands of the workers She and Albert would help found the International Working People s Association IWPA in 1883 During the Haymarket Affair Lucy became a popular speaker as she toured the country on a campaign for clemency often fighting police trying to restrict her access to speaking forums After her husband s execution Lucy would remain involved in revolutionary politics eventually splitting with the anarchist movement and joining the I W W in 1905 In the 1920 s Lucy would begin working with the Communist Party joining officially in 1939 and was involved on behalf of workers political prisoners people of color and women including the Scottsboro Angelo Hearndon and Tom Mooney cases Lucy would continue to fight against oppression until an accidental fire killed her and her lover in 1942 Further Reading Subject May Day Parsons Talcott 1902 1979 American sociologist founder of the functionalist school in sociology whose work was concerned with a general theoretical system for the analysis of society the central idea of which is the vision of society as an organism rather than the rigid structure of Structuralism in which each of the various parts of the social body have a role in maintaining a dynamic equilibrium Parsons studied at Amherst College Mass London School of Economics and the University of Heidelberg where he received his PhD in 1927 returning to the US to teach economics eventually becoming Professor of Sociology at Harvard in 1944 where he worked until his retirement in 1973 In line with the then dominant view of economics as expressing the perception and psychological reactions of the economic agents to each other s actions Parsons sought to merge economic science with psychology His first major work The Structure of Social Action published in 1937 is a comprehensive review of what he called positivistic sociology in which he presents criticisms of Alfred Marshall Vilfredo Pareto Émile Durkheim and Max Weber In his 1951 The Social System he turned his attention to the analysis of large scale systems and the problems of the social order integration and equilibrium and advocated his method of structural functional analysis a study of the ways in which the interrelated and interacting units that form the structures of a social system contribute to the development and maintenance of that system in a condition of dynamic equilibrium In this approach the researcher asks themself what is the function of each of the institutions to be seen in a given social order on the understanding that each contributes in some particular way to the maintenance of the stability of the system Further Reading The Structure of Social Action Parvus Alexander Helphand 1869 1924 Prominent Marxist theoretician in Eastern Europe reached conclusions similar to Trotsky s theory of permanent revolution Trotsky broke with him in 1914 when Parvus became a leader in a pro war WWI sect of the German Social Democracy In 1917 he failed to reconcile the German party with the Bolsheviks and later the Independent Socialists with the Ebert Noske leadership Pascal Blaise 1623 1662 French mathematician physicist philosopher and Christian religious thinker Best known for his work on religious belief and mathematics but also developed one of the first radical critiques of the Ancien Régime in France and of the idea of a natural right to property During his relatively brief life Pascal published works on geometry the physics of air pressure and vacuums hydrostatics and invented a mechanical calculator the pascaline Following an intense quasi mystical experience in 1654 he became increasingly committed to the Jansenist theological movement centered at Port Royal convent With his caustic Provincial Letters 1656 57 published under a pseudonym he intervened on behalf of the Jansenists in the political and theological controversy with the Jesuits at the time Most of Pascal s work however including his magnum opus the Pensées thoughts was not published until after his death The Pensées is a collection of notes ostensibly for an Apology for the Christian Religion but which contain reflections on a wide variety of subjects including the nature and limits of reason and knowledge the sources of belief and human motivation the meaning of the human condition and the role and relationship of justice and force in society At the heart of Pascal s social thought is the idea that often what is taken as natural is actually the result of custom and social conditioning So in the Pensées Pascal tries to show that there is a dialectic between true justice which is always in dispute and force which is indisputable Being unable to fortify justice we have justified force to ensure peace It is by the effect of imagination and habituation of human psychology in certain social conditions and relations that ideas legitimating the position of the powerful are mis taken for natural justice thus stabilizing society Similarly the Three Discourses on the Condition of the Great posthumous demystifies the ideological foundations of feudalism by positing before the Enlightenment and Rousseau that all people are naturally equal the difference between a king and a commoner is one of human establishment not of any natural quality Hence not only do absolute monarchy and noble privilege the pillars of the Ancien Régime have an imaginary foundation so too do property rights Those who possess great riches and occupy a superior social position do so by a combination of institutionalized force historical chance and a kind of popular misunderstanding not by necessity merit or natural right Despite this radical critique Pascal advises against revolution to achieve a more just social order Pascal s reasoning here presents a key puzzle of his thought In his view of history the dialectic between force and justice allows for no synthesis or progress only cyclical conflict We do not have a clear enough view of true justice to establish it beyond dispute so we should prefer peace and order which we can establish Pascal s experience with la Fronde a series of ill fated noble uprisings against royal power between 1648 and 1653 may also have contributed to this reticence Instead Pascal counseled a kind of lucid submission to the existing social order and its internal standard of justice Although consistent with a certain tradition of Christian political conservatism Pascal s position is more complex If one is to render outwardly onto established sovereigns e g kings in monarchies the majority in democracies the respect that is fitting to that position one is to refrain from seeing any natural superiority or inferiority in those of a different rank Furthermore one is to recognize that there are higher orders like those governing what merits esteem or belief which it would be tyrannical to subordinate to the political order This hybrid approach radical critique with conservative prescription offers a point of contrast with the revolutionary tradition But it also reflects the debate surrounding Marx s own equivocal treatment of justice as on one hand the means by which modes of production judge themselves but also potentially a criterion that could allow for their comparative evaluation e g of why socialism or communism would be preferable to capitalism Also of interest in the Pensées is the famous wager argument for believing in God Rather than trying to prove the existence of God like his contemporary Descartes Pascal argues for the rationality or advantage of religious belief This distinction can be seen to presage Marx s analysis of religion s social function Also like Descartes Pascal is a dualist in that he separates mind and body but unlike Descartes he emphasizes the inexorable role of the body in the formation of beliefs embedded in social contexts through habit and custom Pascal s contemporary legacy is visible in diverse fields The wager has been the subject of much work in decision theory In the philosophy of science Pierre Duhem one of the founders of epistemological holism the thesis that theories cannot be tested in isolation because they depend on other theories draws especially from Pascal s analysis of reasoning in Of the Geometrical Mind esprit 1658 but published posthumously And in social theory the critical sociologist Pierre Bourdieu invokes Pascal s account of incorporated habits and symbolic power in the shaping of collective beliefs see his Méditations Pascaliennes 1997 Pashukanis Yevgeniy Bronislavovich 1891 1937 Marxist legal philosopher of international stature Pashukanis explained that the task of Socialist society is the dismantling of the rule of law Born February 10 1891 in Lithuania Pashukanis studied law at Petersburg University where he was expelled due to his revolutionary activities and beliefs He continued his education abroad at the University of Munich studying both law and political economy In 1912 Pashukanis joined the Bolshevik party In 1918 he served as a people s judge around Moscow then worked as a legal adviser in the People s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the Russia Republic and soon became a vice commissar of Justice Pashukanis s tour de force is his 1924 work General Theory of Law and Marxism which brought him immediate international fame The book was soon published in three editions and three languages Russian German and Italian Pashukanis was on the editorial boards of the major encyclopedias Encyclopedia of State and Law and law periodicals of the nation until 1930 He taught law and shaped the syllabi and text books of law teaching at Moscow University and the Institute of Red Professors of the Communist Academy Pashukanis soon became the Director of the national Institute of State Law and Soviet Construction it would be renamed several times Pashukanis s General Theory of Law and Marxism was banned in the Soviet Union during the Stalinist uprising of the 1930s and would not be again published in the USSR until 1982 though he was rehabilitated in 1956 by the RSFSR Supreme Court In response to the Stalin supported Vyshinsky who made critiques of Pashukanis work he was forced to publicly revise his thinking in 1930 1934 and 1936 He refused however to accept the baseless Stalinist refutations of his philosophy In January of 1937 he was arrested tried and shot dead Pashukanis s theory stands as one of fundamental importance to understanding law in both content and form He explains that law where it regulates human conduct is created when alienation and the opposition of classes begins He binds this closely with the emergence of the commodity form in mediating material exchanges as humans become bearers of rights as opposed to customary privileges as a result of being producers in a certain class But where Marx and Engels explained the content of law resting within political economy Pashukanis fills out Marxist theory by exploring the forms of law Pashukanis argues that the rule of capitalist law will largely carry itself over into Socialism that there is no such thing as workers law only the dismantling of capitalist law as society moves from capitalism to socialism and from socialism into communism Naturally it was on this basis that Pashukanis was attacked by the Stalinists who believed in increasing the power of the state and thus the rule of law and in building up a gigantic bureaucracy around a myriad of rules and regulations The Stalinists attempted to argue that law is an instrument of class rule and that workers should use it just as any other class has in the past completely misunderstanding that the essence of workers rule is the destruction of the state and thus that by enforcing and building up the power of the state the rule of workers is crushed Pashukanis emphasised that the rule of law is not neutral that law is tied to political economy and that just as exploitation cannot be class neutral nor can law both institutions must be abolished during the Socialist transformation Patchamuthu Appavoopillai 1921 present Party pseudonym Ganesh Born Koslanda Badulla District Ceylon son of R Appavoopilai a prosperous landowner and owner of a printing business Educated Uva College Badulla Participated in student and trade union activities while in school Also worked at his family s printing business Attended Lanka Sama Samaja Party mass rally in May 1940 to protest police atrocities against strikers at Wewessa Estate Joined Lanka Sama Samaja Party in 1941 and worked with the underground party in Colombo Attended the first conference of the Bolshevik Leninist Party of India in Madras in September 1944 as a delegate from Ceylon Led labor actions during the 1945 general strike in Colombo Organized plantation labor in Badulla and Haputale Districts 1945 46 along with J C T Kotelewala led a strike

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  • The Masses and The Vanguard by Paul Mattick 1938
    of regrouping and realigning the militant organizations seems to be outdated True regroupment is essential but it cannot be a mere merger of the existing organizations In the new conditions a revision of fighting forms is necessary First clarity then unity Even small groups recognizing and urging the principles of independent mass movement are far more significant than large groups that deprecate the power of the masses There are groups that perceive the defects and weaknesses of parties They often furnish sound criticism of the popular front combination and the unions But their criticism is limited They lack a comprehensive understanding of the new society The tasks of the proletariat are not completed with seizure of the means of production and the abolition of private property The questions of social reorganization must be put and answered Shall state socialism be rejected What shall be the basis of a society without wage slavery What shall determine the economic relations between factories What shall determine the relations between producers and their total product These questions and their answers are essential for an understanding of the forms of struggle and organization today Here the conflict between the leadership principle and the principle of independent mass action becomes apparent For a thorough understanding of these questions leads to the realization that the widest all embracing direct activity of the proletariat as a class is necessary to realize communism Of first importance is the abolition of the wage system The will and good wishes of men are not potent enough to retain this system after revolution as in Russia without eventually surrendering to the dynamics engendered by it It is not enough to seize the means of production and abolish private property It is necessary to abolish the basic condition of modern exploitation wage slavery and that act brings on the succeeding measures of reorganization that would never be invoked without the first step Groups that do not put these questions no matter how sound their criticism otherwise lack the most important elements in the formation of sound revolutionary policy The abolition of the wages system must be carefully investigated in its relation to politics and economics We will here take up some of the political implications First is the question of the seizure of power by the workers The principle of the masses not party or vanguard retaining power must be emphasized Communism cannot be introduced or realized by a party Only the proletariat as a whole can do that Communism means that the workers have taken their destiny into their own hands that they have abolished wages that they have with the suppression of the bureaucratic apparatus combined the legislative and executive powers The unity of the workers lies not in the sacrosanct merger of parties or trade unions but in the similarity of their needs and in the expression of needs in mass action All the problems of the workers must therefore be viewed in relation to the developing self action of

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  • Writers categorised as Marxists by the MIA
    1 November 2003 Hill Christopher 21 April 2002 Ilyenkov Evald 18 June 2000 James C L R 18 June 2000 Just Stephane 19 November 2002 Justo Liborio 23 October 2006 Kivilcimli Hikmet 5 July 2005 Kamenev Lev 10 January 1999 Kamenka Eugene 5 January 2004 Kautsky Karl 21 August 2000 Keracher John 19 October 2005 Kidron Michael 23 May 2003 Kollontai Alexandra 5 May 2000 Korsch Karl 21 June 2002 Krupskaya Nadezhnya January 2001 Kun Bela 22 April 2006 Kuruma Samezo 28 May 2007 Labriola Antonio August 1998 Lafargue Paul 30 March 2000 Lagman Filimon 18 July 2003 Lanti Eugene 19 October 2005 Lenin Vladimir Ilyich 6 August 1999 Leontev Alexandre Nikolai 24 July 2000 Levi Paul 25 September 2002 Liebknecht Karl December 2002 Liebknecht Wilhelm 19 March 2004 Longuet Jenny Marx December 2001 Loriot Fernand 12 September 2005 Lozovsky Alexander 5 June 2006 Lukacs Georg 18 June 2000 Lunacharsky Anatoly 24 June 2000 Luria Alexander 24 July 2000 Luxemburg Rosa 5 October 1999 MacLean John 1 November 1999 Maitan Livio 2 May 2006 Malaka Tan 30 May 2007 Mandel Ernest 25 September 2002 Mann Tom 23 December 2006 Marcuse Herbert 14 June 2007 Mariategui José Carlos 28 May 2000 Mariaghella Carlos 13 October 1998 Martov Julius 18 August 2003 Marx Eleanor 23 August 2000 Marx Karl 6 August 1998 Marx Jenny 3 April 1999 Mattick Paul 5 January 2004 Maurin Joaquin 7 November 2001 Mikhailov Feliks 18 June 2000 Mehring Franz 18 October 2000 Monatte Pierre 7 November 2003 Moreno Nahuel 28 November 2000 Morris William 27 October 2000 Morrow Felix 2 October 2003 Munis Grandizo 2 October 2004 Munsenberg Willy 18 August 2003 Ngô Van Xuyet 23 October 2006 Nin Andreas 7 November 2003 Novack George 18 June 2000 Pablo Michel 28 October 1998 Padmore George 2 September

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  • History of the International Workingmen's Association
    Workingmen s Association Contents The First International from M I A Encyclopedia The International Working Men s Association Its Establishment Organisation Political and Social Activity and Growth by W Eichhoff 1868 The International A Sketch written to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Foundation of the International Working Men s Association by G Jaeck 1905 History of the First International by G M Stekloff 1928 On Sir George Howell s History of the International by Marx 1878 Marx Engels Writings for the First International 1864 1873 Speeches by Karl Marx 1864 1869 Documents of the First International 1864 1873 The conflict with Bakunin 1868 1873 The Hague Congress of The International 2 7 September 1872 Marx Engels Letters on the First International and Working Class Organisation The International on the Irish Question and the Fenians Archives of members of the First International Marx and Engels Mikhail Bakunin 1817 1876 Wilhelm Liebknecht 1826 1900 Friedrich Adolph Sorge 1826 1906 Joseph Dietzgen 1828 1888 August Bebel 1840 1913 Paul Lafargue 1841 1911 Jenny Marx Longuet 1844 1883 Jules Guesde 1845 1922 Google Site Search First International Marx Engels Writings Wilhelm Liebknecht Writings Paul Lafargue Writings Friedrich Adolph Sorge Writings Joseph Dietzgen Writings

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